In literature, Buddhist sutras (fojing), which are more widely
circulated and popularly read than the abstruse and elitist Confucian
classics, pave the way for other new and lengthy secular literary
works. The new literary forms of these sutras prepare the reading
public for the acceptance of mixing prose with verse, for the handling
of multi-dimensional themes and ultimately, for the birth of new
literary genres such as the novel and drama.
Buddhist learning on history and of the art of statecraft challenged the
staid monopoly of orthodox Confucianism (Ru Jia) on politics, albeit
borrowing much from Legalism. And Buddhists were increasingly
recognized for their relative objectivity in their judgement of history
and for their innovative originality in their approach to current
secular problems.
In both military strategy and political theory, Buddhist intellectual
contributions played major roles in a fragmented China's quest for
reunification. In return, Buddhism (Fo Jiao) flourished under those
rulers, such as those of the preceding Sui dynasty (581-618), who had
been wise enough to employ universally potent Buddhist ideas and apply
them to political advantage, let alone exploiting the ready-made,
broad-based support of mushrooming Buddhist communities all over the
fragmented political landscape.
Constantine the Great (288-337) had reaped an whole empire from the
fateful, even if only expediently faithful decision to accept
Christianity. The role of Christianity as a state religion in
reunifying the fragmented Roman political landscape is well recognized
by historians.
The development of China's culture, politics and spirit cannot be fully
understood without taking into account the influence of Buddhism (Fo
Jiao) since its importation around 2 B.C.
>From the fifth century on, Buddhists both contributed to, and in turn
were affected by the historic polarization in China during the era of
North-South Dynasties (Nan-Bei Chao 420-589), a period spanning the late
phase of Six Dynasties (Liu Chao 220-589) which had emerged after the
fall of the glorious Han dynasty (B.C. 206-220 A.D.). Buddhism adopted
itself during this period in the South to a society characterized by the
independence of a transplanted guizu (aristocracy), with client groups
with large estates. It's ecclesiastical structure has developed into a
network of loosely connected, but individually autonomous monasteries.
It was therefore not surprising that the great Southern seng (Buddhist
monk), Huiyun (334-416), would write an anti-Confucian essay entitled:
Treatise on the Exemption of Religious Institutions from Monarchial
Authority (Shamen bujing Wangzhi Lun). Written in 404, the treatise
asserted the independence of religion from secular control. It was
among the earliest intellectual treatises on the principle of separation
of church and state.
Meanwhile, during the era of North-South Dynasties (Nan-Bei Chao
420-589), a period spanning the late phase of Six Dynasties (Liu Chao
220-589) which had emerged after the fall of the glorious Han dynasty
(B.C. 206-220 A.D.), traditional central political authority in the
North forced Buddhism (Fo Jiao) to seek support from the ruling
sovereign who tended to be the sole source of secular favors.
For example, with transparent motive and shrewd purpose, Seng Fakuo (d.
420) of Bei Wei dynasty (Northern Wei 386-534), leader of the Buddhist
clergy in the North, claimed Emperor Daowu (r. 386-409) as the living
reincarnation of Buddha. Seng Fakuo was bestowed high secular titles
during his life, culminating with the hereditary rank of a lord.
Buddhists of 7th-century China would seek favoritism from the secular
state at the same time they asserted their independence and separation
from traditional imperial institutions by calling for Buddhist exemption
from taxation, military service and the long arm of secular law.
This inherently contradictory posture still would not have brought the
wrath of the dragon throne on Buddhists if they were not simultaneously
engaged in secular factional intrigues and class politics.
Furthermore, growing abuse of religious privileges and laxity in
monastic discipline inevitably would force the dragon throne to adopt
intrusive measures of control on theology, and secular supervision of
ecclesiastic establishments. Also, proliferation of clerical ordination
and monasterial founding, much of which less than legitimate if not
outright fraudulent, had begun to deprive the state of much needed
manpower and tax revenue.
The removal from the economy of large tracts of prime land which would
be donated outright, or under formulae of deferred giving, or sometimes
through fraudulent tax-evading schemes, caused serious economic
imbalance in many areas. The sanctuary provided by Buddhist monasteries
to the lawless, to tax evaders and conscript dodgers, as well as to
political dissidents, also threatened the totalitarian authority of the
dragon throne and security interests of the secular order.
The huge expenses of Buddhist temple construction, the costly
maintenance of an ever expanding clergy population and its associated
lay communities and the drain on a scarce supply of metal caused by the
frequent casting of ever larger and larger Buddhist statues and bells,
had been interfering with the secular state's own increasingly ambitious
plans for domestic capital construction and for arms production needed
by foreign campaigns.
The growing economic power of Buddhist monasteries, often the main
socio-economic institution in many regions, also had its de-stabilizing
political implications. While Buddhism had been repeatedly sponsored by
secular authorities for political purposes, official anti-Buddhist
pogroms, known as shatai (ecclesiastical cleansing), would
systematically recur throughout the long history of China, up to the
Christian-supported 1911 democratic revolution which would establish the
nationalist Republic, not to mention the subsequent Marxist-Leninist
People's Republic, particularly during the extremist Cultural Revolution
in 1966.
The distressing phenomenon of shatai becomes even more complex when
other issues, such as xenophobia, backlash from social reform, and
preventive suppression of revolts are mingled with traditional
socio-political pressure for curbing unwelcome Buddhist expansion into
the secular world.
State persecution and state sponsorship of religion prove always to be
two sides of the same evil coin.
Henry C.K. Liu
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