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<td ALIGN="LEFT" VALIGN="TOP"> <p><!--INSERT CONTENT HERE--><font color="#CE0000" size="4" face="Helvetica, Arial"><strong>Social
Security vs. Securities</strong></font></p>
<blockquote>
<p><font face="Helvetica, Arial" size="2">By <strong>James</font><font face="Helvetica, Arial" size="3"> </font><font face="Helvetica, Arial" size="2">Weinstein</font></strong></p>
<p><font face="Helvetica, Arial" size="2"> House Speaker Newt
Gingrich wants to use most of this year's $39 million budget surplus to reduce income
taxes on the wealthy. President Clinton, however, insists that the social security
system is in crisis, and that no part of the surplus should be spent on reducing taxes or
on new social programs until the solvency of the social security is ensured. But
Clinton, cleverly, is using a false issue in order to avoid making hard decisions about
how to spend the surplus.<br>
As we've pointed out before, the so-called crisis of the Social Security system is
illusory. The Social security Administration (SSA) keeps pushing back the fateful
date on which it says the Social Security fund will go dry. Last year, SSA's
estimated that the system would run out money in 2020. But this prediction had no
sound basis. Just last month, because of strong economic growth. SSA changed
doomsday to 2032.<br>
SSA's projections sound so dire because they are based on an
estimated annual GDP growth of only 1.49 percent, even though GDP has grown at an annual
average of 3.5 percent for the past 75 years. If future growth is anywhere near the
average for the 20th century, Social security will remain solvent indefinitely, without
tax increases or benefit cuts.<br>
Make no mistake: The so-called Social security
"reformers" are out to undermine the system, not to save it. That is clear
from two major proposals made last month by the National Commission on retirement Policy,
a private group of lawmakers, economists, pension-system experts and businessmen- many of
them friends of Bill- who want to overhaul Social security. First, the commission
called for raising the qualifying retirement age to 70. Second, it proposed that
individual retirees invest some of their benefits in the stock market.<br>
The first proposal would impose great hardships on older
Americans, especially African-American men, whose life expectancy only recently reached
65, the current qualification age. Congress has already mandated a rise to 67;
raising the bar another three years means that the majority of African-American men, after
paying a lifetime of Social Security taxes, will die without ever receiving a penny of the
system's benefits.<br>
The second proposal is equally harmful. Under it, millions
of investment portfolios would have to be created and workers would make their own
decisions about what stocks to buy. The theory here is that the stock market will
rise at a greater rate than the interest paid on the special bonds in which the surplus is
now supposed to be invested, and will therefore keep the system solvent. But the
idea of leaving investment decisions to millions of amateur investors is an invitation to
multiple disasters. The main beneficiaries of this system would be the stockbrokers,
who, of course, would charge for managing each account and for every individual
transaction. Wall Street would make a killing under such reform, while the average
working person would be at the mercy of a market that will not keep rising forever.<br>
Furthermore, this arrangement would destroy the extreme
efficiency of the current system, under which administrative costs are less than 1 percent
of benefits. The government would have to raise taxes in order to cover the costs of
managing the millions of portfolios. Ironically, a small tax increase, all by
itself, would keep the current system solvent forever.<br>
Instead of messing up the most successful of all our government
programs, we should be improving it. We should keep the retirement age at 65, or
even lower it, and increase survivor benefits. We should increase payments under
Medicare, increase disability payments and cut the disability waiting period from six
months to two. And we should cut the Social security tax rate for those who earn
less than $25,000 a year, and raise the cap on contributions to the Social security fund
from the present limit of $68,400 to $200,000.<br>
If Clinton means that the budget surplus should be used to
strengthen and improve the Social security system in any of these ways, we would cheer him
on. Unfortunately, neither his record nor the declared intentions of his allies
point in that direction. His talk about guaranteeing the solvency of the system is
disingenuous. By perpetuating a myth of crisis, he is unnecessarily putting ah old on new
spending for the many social programs that desperately need expansion, and preparing the
way for further cuts in benefits.</font></p>
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<td ALIGN="LEFT" VALIGN="TOP"><p align="center"><font face="Helvetica, Arial" size="1">An
editorial piece reprinted from the June 28, 1998 issue of the bi-weekly news magazine<br>
<a href="http://www.inthesetimes.com/">In These Times</a>.</font></p>
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<td ALIGN="CENTER" VALIGN="TOP"><p align="center"><font COLOR="636363" FACE="HELVETICA, ARIAL" SIZE="1">Site produced by The Century Foundation/Twentieth Century
Fund 1998</font> <!--END CONTENT COLUMN--></td>
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