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                        <P><IMG SRC="../../images/editoria.gif" ALT=" Selected Editorial"> </P>
                        <P><B><FONT SIZE="6">Anti&shy;Social Security</FONT></B><BR>
                        </P>
                        <P>&quot;Privatizing at least a portion of Social Security is now pretty
                        much a foregone conclusion,&quot; reads a memo the libertarian-conservative
                        Cato Institute fax-blasts to reporters. The<I> Washington Post</I> reports that &quot;political momentum&quot; is building &quot;for some form
                        of 'privatization' of Social Security.&quot; At a forum on Social Security
                        in Albuquerque, the President says he is &quot;open-minded&quot; about partially
                        privatizing the program. The corporate-financed Democratic Leadership
                        Council declares triumphantly that the privatizers are setting
                        the terms. <I>USA Today</I> reports that two-thirds of those polled favor allowing people
                        to invest part of their Social Security taxes in the stock market.
                        </P>
                        <P>Deal done? Social Security is going private and Wall Street is
                        about to grab a piece of the mother of all retirement funds? Not
                        necessarily. The privatizers want you to believe it's all over
                        but the details, but there's still a lot of shouting to come.
                        It is true, though, that the tightly organized, well-funded band
                        of privateers has scooted past the less-organized forces that
                        favor maintaining a public, government-controlled Social Security
                        system. </P>
                        <P>Over the next few months, two Social Security debates will occur.
                        As the election approaches, Democrats will try to use Social Security
                        as ammunition against the Republicans. House Republicans have
                        advocated using the budget surplus for a massive tax cut (instead
                        of reserving it for Social Security) and Democrats are hankering
                        to accuse the Republicans of raiding Social Security for a handout
                        to the rich. But with Senate Republicans opposing the tax cuts
                        sought by their House comrades, the GOP may end up smothering
                        the tax-cut fever, thus rendering it harder for the Democrats
                        to mount the obvious assault. &quot;All this will be a skirmish,&quot; says
                        Democratic pollster Stanley Greenberg. </P>
                        <P>It is after November that the earth will move. This is when Bill
                        Clinton, Republican legislators and others will take up the meta-issue,
                        What to do about Social Security? The President has repeatedly
                        talked about the need to &quot;save&quot; the program, reinforcing the notion
                        that the system faces a crisis. (Social Security is expected to
                        confront a shortfall in about thirty years--a prospect privatizers
                        have used to whip up anxiety about the system's health--but minor
                        reforms, like raising the cap on income susceptible to Social
                        Security tax, could fix the problem.) After the elections, White
                        House aides say, Clinton will hold a White House conference on
                        Social Security. Early next year, he'll reveal his plan for reforming
                        the program and start negotiations with Congressional Republicans.
                        His hope is to proceed quickly with a bill in the first months
                        of a low-sparks, nonelection year. </P>
                        <P>Clinton has two basic options: Propose a plan that the core of
                        the Democratic Party can support and wage war on the Republicans,
                        or accept a version of privatization and trigger a fierce fight
                        within the Democratic Party. The best guesses of the moment have
                        Clinton shoring up the existing program but signing off on a limited
                        form of privatization. After all, if he wants a deal with the
                        GOP, he has to hand Wall Street something. But can Clinton cook
                        up a privatization scheme that doesn't include benefits cuts which
                        would make traditional Democratic constituencies howl? (Since
                        any privatization is likely to carry with it administrative and
                        transition costs, something will have to be squeezed to cover
                        them.) An embrace of a bipartisan privatization plan would pose
                        a political dilemma for Clinton. &quot;There is no room for compromise,&quot;
                        warns Representative Dennis Kucinich, a progressive Democrat.
                        &quot;Either you have a publicly protected system or the stock market
                        will latch on to it and that will lead to a gradual hemorrhaging.
                        There will be Democrats who resist, strongly and vociferously,
                        <I>any</I> attempts to privatize Social Security.&quot; And if Clinton chooses
                        a DLC-approved privatizing course, angry Democrats could turn
                        on Vice President Gore. &quot;Gore people are starting to realize Clinton
                        could put them in a bind,&quot; says one Democratic policy expert.
                        </P>
                        <P>So far, the future of Social Security has mainly been an inside-Washington
                        affair. &quot;The American people haven't been let in on the emerging
                        consensus,&quot; says Roger Hickey of the Campaign for America's Future,
                        a left-leaning policy outfit in Washington. Hickey's group, the
                        AFL-CIO and other progressive organizations are in the process
                        of quilting a coalition to challenge the privateers and to rally
                        support for the principle that Social Security should maintain
                        guaranteed retirement-to-death benefits that keep recipients out
                        of poverty--features not part of leading privatization proposals.
                        (The coalition won't be backing any specific reform plans.) &quot;Our
                        argument,&quot; says Hickey, &quot;is that in a global economy, with corporate
                        downsizing, the loss of corporate pensions and downward wage pressure,
                        Social Security is a government function that should be strengthened.&quot;
                        </P>
                        <P>The Social Security traditionalists are starting a bit late. &quot;They
                        have been a bit like the deer caught in the headlights,&quot; says
                        a former aide to the Democratic Congressional leadership. &quot;We
                        need a larger movement to be an echo chamber for our preserve&shy;Social
                        Security message, and it hasn't existed. Maybe we can adopt a
                        <I>Braveheart</I> scenario. Remember when Wallace tells his people to hold until
                        the enemy is right upon them? Pulling a <I>Braveheart</I> in the fall may be a rational political strategy.&quot; </P>
                        <P>It will be hard for the preservers to catch up to the privatizers,
                        especially inside the capital, where the pro-privatization faxes
                        and seminars never stop. They need to play to another crowd: citizens
                        beyond Washington. &quot;We have to make this a populist fight,&quot; says
                        Senator Paul Wellstone. But that means dealing with a public that,
                        according to various polls, has little faith that the government
                        can deliver on the promise of Social Security and likes the idea
                        of having more control over retirement funds but still wants its
                        guaranteed benefits. </P>
                        <P>The debate over Social Security will be a clash of philosophies
                        (the value of communal government versus the value of the market);
                        it will involve a tangle of political calculations; it will threaten
                        civil war within the Democratic Party; it will pit Big Money against
                        labor and leftists. As Washington obsesses over a certain dress,
                        the privatizers and preservers are preparing for what is looming
                        as the final major ideological confrontation of the Clinton years.        </P>
                        <P><B>David Corn
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                        </B></P>
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