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Dear Mike,
<p>I don't buy any of this bs about slavery being unprofitable. I guess
that is why the southern states decided to split at the <b>slightest hint</b>
that slavery <b>should </b>be abolished. Don't forget that westward
expansion meant that more people could get in on slavery.
<p>Another thing that people like to forget about is that the southern
states were rapidly industrializing in the 20 years prior to the civil
war. These were industries that relied primarily on slave labor,
even in skilled positions. There are a couple of interesting studies
of the iron and steel industry in the ante-bellum south that come to mind.
<p>Sincerely,
<br>Tom L.
<br>Michael Perelman wrote:
<blockquote TYPE=CITE>> I read a book last year called "Emancipating Slaves,
Enslaving Free Men"
<br>> by Jeffrey Hummel. He comes at things from a right-libertarian
<br>> viewpoint, but his grasp of the literature is amazing. It's
his
<br>> contention that the North should have followed the recommendations
of
<br>> abolitionists like William Lloyd Garrison and let the south go; that
<br>> without the "enforcement subsidy" of the fugative slave laws, slavery
<br>> was uneconomic and would die on its own.
<br>>
<p>A good number of commentators thought that the slave economy was profitable
<br>only because of the expansion of cotton to new territories, that required
an
<br>infusion of new slaves. Since slaves could not longer be imported,
the
<br>plantations acted as [indirect and sometimes direct] breeders.
The profits
<br>from selling "surplus" slaves allowed the old plantations to be profitable.
<p>Also, Karl Marx used Fredrick Law Olmstead's articles on slavery [the
2
<br>corresponded with each other] to show how that slavery would necessarily
be
<br>unprofitable in the long run.
<p>Here is an echo of Olmstead in modern economics:
<p>Kauffmann, Kyle. D. 1993. "Why Was the Mule Used in Southern Agriculture?
<br>Empirical Evidence of Principal-Agent Solutions." Explorations in Economic
<br>History, 30: 3 (July): pp. 336-51. He shows that,
even in the twentieth
<br>century, mules were more frequently used where sharecropping was most
<br>common, since croppers tended to use the landlord's work stock.
<br> 340: Olmstead, Frederick Law. 1904. A Journey in the Seaboard
Slave
<br>States in the Years 1853-1854 (NY: Putnam): p. 51 "When I ask why mules
are
<br>so universally substituted for horses on the farm, the first reason
given
<br>... is, that horses cannot bear the treatment that they get from negroes."
<br>He gives other sources. 336: Mules are consistently
more expensive than
<br>horses. 337: Mules were used more extensively in
the South since
<br>sharecroppers did not own the farm animals. They had little incentive
to
<br>conserve the stock. 339: Mules resist injury more
than horses. They
<br>resist overwork and require less grooming than horses.
<br> 348: In the North, mules were used more by the lumberman,
again
<br>suggesting a principal-agent situation.
<br> 349-50: He uses data from Georgia to show that mules were
used more
<br>frequently in counties where sharecropping was more common.
<p>--
<p>Michael Perelman
<br>Economics Department
<br>California State University
<br>michael@ecst.csuchico.edu
<br>Chico, CA 95929
<br>530-898-5321
<br>fax 530-898-5901</blockquote>
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