Three pre-occupation theses on Kosovo- evaulating the results

Michael Pollak mpollak at panix.com
Sat Jul 31 17:42:35 PDT 1999


On Fri, 30 Jul 1999, Nathan Newman wrote:


> 1) PREDICTION ONE: An Air War cannot be won and terror bombing will just
> harden Serbian resistance: Well, whatever one thinks about the morality of
> the NATO intervention, the empirical fact is that the basic goal of forcing
> Serbia to accept a NATO troop occupation of Kosovo was achieved through the
> pure application of air power

Actually it wasn't. Bomb damages assessment now shows we destroyed all of 10 tanks and almost no troops. We tore hell out of Serbia, but that wasn't why Milo signed. He signed because we gave him want he wanted -- and then it turned out we were lying. But once we were in he couldn't evict us. Which was the solution to our problem, that we couldn't/wouldn't fight our way in. Here is the analysis by the mysterious girls and boys of Stratfor, posted when you were gone:

NATO's Victory

0430 GMT, 990621

NATO has won the 1999 Serbian War. Of that there can be no doubt.

There are two questions to be asked. First, how did it manage to win

the war? Second, what are the ramifications of this victory? NATO did

not win the war militarily. It won the war with a breathtaking

diplomatic performance in the last week that was duplicitous,

disingenuous, and devious--precisely what brilliant diplomacy is

supposed to be. Yet, at the same moment that NATO's diplomacy snatched

victory from the jaws of military stalemate, its very characteristics

have set the stage for an ongoing and perhaps insoluble problem not

only in the Balkans, but within the councils of NATO and ultimately,

in the global geopolitical reality.

The issue of whether NATO won the war militarily will be debated for

many years. The question of air power's efficacy is always debated

with religious zeal. In this case, the question comes down to this:

why did Slobodan Milosevic agree to the G-8 accords during his meeting

with Chernomyrdin and Ahtisaari? Was it because he could no longer

resist militarily? Was it because the cost to Serbia of the air

campaign had become unsupportable? Was it because he felt that he had

achieved all that he could achieve militarily to that point? In other

words, did Milosevic think he was capitulating or did he think he was

reaching a satisfactory political settlement?

Certainly, the ability of Serbia's ground forces to resist a NATO

invasion of Kosovo had not been degraded sufficiently to permit NATO

to enter the "permissive environment" it required. When Serb military

negotiators broke off talks on June 6, NATO forces milled about along

the Kosovo border awaiting Serb permission for NATO forces to enter.

When French forces entered Kosovo a week later, they reported

formidable defenses along the Albanian-Kosovo border, and expressed

relief at not having to face them. Thus, unlike the Iraqi war of 1991,

there can be no argument that NATO's air power had defeated Serbia's

ground forces in Kosovo or elsewhere. Serbia's ability to resist

NATO's entrance into Kosovo remained intact.

The next question about air power is whether it had imposed strategic

and economic costs on Belgrade that were unbearable and whether these

forced Milosevic to capitulate? This is an important question, since

air power theorists since Douhet have argued that air power could

achieve this goal, yet conventional air power appears to fall

consistently short of achieving this mission. Since military

strategies and budgets depend on how this question is answered,

interpreting the origins of Milosevic's actions is far from an

academic issue. It is an important and difficult question.

This is hard to answer because, in part, it depends on what was going

through Milosevic's mind when he agreed to the G-8 terms for ending

the war. But the very nature of the question we pose points us in the

direction of the answer. Since we need to wonder what went through

Milosevic's mind, it is clear we are trying to figure out the reasons

for his actions. Implicitly, the very question means that Milosevic

had a choice. If he had a choice that means that the weight of the air

war was not so unbearable that he could not endure it. At the same

time, maybe Milosevic chose not to endure it. In other words, air

power had not broken Serbia's will, but the price may have been too

high to endure, particularly when alternatives were available them.

This is, we believe, the best case that can be made for the success of

the air war. That any case exists is remarkable, since the air war was

badly architected and conceived from the beginning. There were

insufficient forces in theater to carry out the sort of overwhelming

strike that NATO air planners felt was required even to open the

possibility of shattering Serbia's will to resist. The buildup of air

forces went too slowly. At no point did available forces begin to

approach the forces available in Desert Storm, in spite of the fact

that terrain, weather, and the correlation of forces required larger,

rather than smaller, forces. The air campaign was controlled by

civilians who triggered it without sufficient planning and

preparation, without providing minimal resources, and without

permitting a target set and tempo of operations capable of fulfilling

the mission. The Kosovo air campaign was not and can not be a fair

test of air power.

That said, it follows that the more extreme claims being made for the

success of the air campaign are unreasonable. The air campaign did not

in any sense conform to air power theory. Assertions that in spite of

all of its defects, it compelled Milosevic to capitulate are, oddly

enough, attacks on air power theorists. If this air campaign was

enough to break Milosevic, then air campaign strategists themselves

have vastly underestimated the impact of air power. The Kosovo

campaign was the polar opposite of what an air campaign, in theory,

required. Air power theorists have no reason to defend this campaign

and defending it undermines much of their theory.

The critical point is that the air campaign did not leave Milosevic

without options. There is no doubt that he could have endured the

campaign that was underway for many months. Milosevic did not act as

he did because the air campaign had crippled him. Milosevic acted as

he did because it appeared to him that a satisfactory diplomatic

resolution was available and because he believed the geopolitical

situation had developed in an unfavorable direction. Given that the

broader strategic environment was moving against him and a diplomatic

option was available, it made no sense to prolong the war.

The shift in the strategic environment was, obviously, the fall of

Primakov and the increasing unreliability of Russia as Serbia's

patron. The diplomatic solution was the G-8 compromise, which was

understood to differ fundamentally from the Rambouillet accord. As the

G-8 was written, Milosevic's acceptance of it did not mean a

capitulation to NATO, but the acceptance of an international

peacekeeping force under UN control, enabled by a UN Security Council

resolution. Since Serbia had accepted the principle of a foreign

presence in Kosovo, but objected to a purely NATO presence, the G-8

accords seemed to achieve Milosevic's primary objectives.

NATO, mainly the U.S. and U.K., went into action the minute Milosevic

accepted the compromise. First, NATO created a public atmosphere in

which it successfully portrayed Milosevic's acceptance of G-8 as its

own victory. What began as a public relations campaign designed for

domestic consumption, was rapidly transformed into the accepted

reality. In a brilliant, global public relations campaign, the U.S.

and U.K. convinced even the Serb public that Milosevic had

surrendered. Milosevic found himself trapped in a reality created by

NATO.

Behind the atmospherics, there was a defining military reality. NATO

could not enter Kosovo unless the Serbs permitted it. However, once

NATO was in Kosovo, the Serbs lost their ability to resist. NATO had

to convince the Serbs to allow it to enter Kosovo, past their frontier

defenses. Once inside, Serb troops were immediately helpless, having

given up not only their terrain force multipliers, but also having

their lines of supply and communications shattered and their forces

enveloped in mobile operations. The key was to get the Serbs to permit

entry.

From the collapse of the border negotiations with Serbian generals on

the evening of June 6 until the entry of NATO forces on the morning of

June 13, NATO diplomats brilliantly manipulated, by completely

confusing, the situation. For example, they agreed to enable the

Security Council resolution called for by the G-8 accords. They agreed

to give the UN control over civil administration. They agreed to

extensions in the Serb pullout. They agreed to a Russian presence in

Kosovo. They agreed with everything, yet gave away nothing. Their goal

was simple: to get NATO troops into Kosovo. NATO understood that once

that was achieved, NATO would run Kosovo, regardless of agreements.

The critical part of these maneuvers was to keep the Russians under

control. It was, after all, the intervention of a Russian officer that

scuttled the June 5-6 discussions. NATO knew that nothing it did would

satisfy all of the Russians. Therefore, its goal was to split the

Russians into as many camps as possible and to isolate hard liners.

NATO simply had to impress on Milosevic that the Russians were not

prepared to enforce the accords they had themselves negotiated in Bonn

on May 3.

Milosevic and his generals, helpless amidst the political forces

unleashed by NATO, reached out to supportive Russian factions for

help. This led to the Russian intervention in Pristina and NATO's

diplomacy's finest hour. Rather than treating the intervention as a

dangerous crisis, NATO carried on with its basic three-part program.

First, it declared the intervention unimportant, and once again, image

became reality. Second, it isolated the Russian force strategically,

tactically, and politically. Surrounding countries refused to permit

overflights, NATO troops rolled around them, and NATO's allies in the

Kremlin hemmed in NATO's foes. Third, and most important, by ignoring

the Russian intervention, NATO got what it wanted: its troops passed

into Kosovo, behind the mountains and minefields that had blocked

them.

Indeed, the Russian intervention actually helped NATO to get in. Serb

military leaders, with misplaced confidence in the Russian military's

will to confront NATO, committed a fatal error. They permitted NATO

troops to cross the border on schedule. In fact, they were eager for

NATO troops to enter, expecting a confrontation between them and the

Russian forces. This would give Serb troops the opportunity to join

with reinforced Russian troops and compel NATO to face war or retreat.

Instead, NATO used its influence in Moscow to limit the Pristina force

to a symbolic gesture. NATO then proceeded to surround, isolate, and

ignore the Russians. Russian forces at Pristina, rather than becoming

the trigger of a NATO-Russian confrontation, became benignly treated

hostages. NATO forces, now deep in Kosovo, proceeded to impose the

NATO occupation that Milosevic had resisted and that the G-8 accords

seemed to have avoided. Once NATO got Serbia to allow a "permissive"

entry into Kosovo, NATO was in control.

This was brilliant diplomacy. The simple fact is that having blundered

into a war they didn't really want, without a prepared military force

or a coherent strategic plan, Clinton, Blair, Albright, Berger, Cook,

Robertson and the rest in the end ran a clinic in diplomacy. They

turned a badly stalemated military operation that was going nowhere

into victory. The end game provides a textbook in the use of diplomacy

for retrieving poor strategic positions. Even more than a victory for

NATO, this was a victory for the Anglo-American coalition that drove

this war.

And therein lies the tale. Everything has a cost. The first price that

NATO must pay is the victory itself. It now controls Kosovo. That is a

booby prize if there ever was one. Second, NATO is now responsible for

the stability of the whole of the Balkan peninsula. What the

Austro-Hungarians and the Turks found undigestible NATO will now try

to digest. The Balkans is a region whose very geography breeds

insecure states without room for viable compromises. It can be done,

but the mission is, in the long run, always exhausting. On the bright

side, NATO now has a full-time mission to keep it occupied.

NATO's greatest price will be paid in NATO itself. Gerhard Schroeder

has tried to put a good face on it, but the Germans were and remain

appalled by the risks the Anglo-Americans forced Germany to accept in

relation to the Russians. Schroeder insisted on Friday that Russia

should be treated with "respect," a code word for avoiding another

such confrontation. Germany cannot afford another episode of

Anglo-American diplomatic brilliance. Thus, when Schroeder said last

week that: "Human rights are and should be inviolable," but that "we

have to look at issues very closely and in fact differentiate between

different situations," he was announcing that it would be a long time

before Germany tried this again. He went on to say that NATO action

should be "confined to its own territory and that should continue to

be its way." After Kosovo, a compliant Germany within NATO simply

should not be taken for granted any longer.

The Kosovo affair carries with it another price: it has intensified

the process in which reformers are losing out to communists and

nationalists. Kosovo was beyond Russia's reach. There are areas that

are very much within its reach, such as the Baltics, Ukraine, Central

Asia, and the Caucasus. NATO has established a precedent: it can

intervene in other countries so long as human rights issues justify

it. Human rights violations abound in the former Soviet Union. As hard

liners inexorably increase their power in the Kremlin, NATO will have

provided them with full justification for intervention in areas where

they have the upper hand and NATO is without options. If suffering

humanity is a justification for war, NATO just gave Russia the moral

basis for reclaiming its empire. And it should be remembered that

Russia may not be able to take on NATO, but Lithuania or Uzbekistan

have a different correlation of forces, to say the least.

NATO has clearly won a victory and the diplomats have been

instrumental. However, it is a victory in which the price will be, we

think, higher than anyone anticipated or would have been willing to

pay at the beginning of the war. NATO came out of the war internally

weaker than it went in. Russia and China came out of the war more,

rather than less, hostile. The stability of the Balkans is now a

permanent and impossible responsibility for the West. It was a

victory. A few more victories like this and....

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__________________________________________________________________________ Michael Pollak................New York City..............mpollak at panix.com



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