Russian views

Doug Henwood dhenwood at panix.com
Sat Jun 12 08:28:45 PDT 1999


[from Johnson's Russia List]

Communists 'Resolutely Condemn' Chernomyrdin Kosovo Role

Sovetskaya Rossiya 10 June 1999 [translation for personal use only] Undated statement signed by G.A. Zyuganov, N.I. Ryzhkov, and N.M. Kharitonov: "Immeasurable Harm. Statement on Latest Betrayal of International Security Interests"

The people and the leadership of the fraternal Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, despite two months of heroic resistance, are being compelled to capitulate. The NATO ultimatum envisages the withdrawal of all Yugoslavia's armed formations from the territory of Kosovo, an historical part of Serbia, and the occupation of that province by NATO troops and formations of the so-called "Kosovo Liberation Army," a terrorist criminal grouping. The Serb population will be forced to leave Kosovo, which will lead to a new flood of refugees and a new spiral in the humanitarian catastrophe that NATO is allegedly trying to prevent.

The facts demonstrate that Mr. V. Chernomyrdin, the Russian Federation president's special representative on the settlement in Yugoslavia, played a dismal role in compelling Yugoslavia to accept the NATO ultimatum.

The appointment to this post of V. Chernomyrdin, a man well-known for his close links with the leaders of the United States and Germany, was accompanied by the elimination from direct participation in the crucial talks of the Russian Federation Foreign Ministry and Defense Ministry, which take the position of protecting national interests.

The events surrounding Yugoslavia are the first attempt since World War II to reorganize Europe by force. Russia's initial firm stance inspired the world community's hopes that aggression would be resolutely rebuffed. The ultimatum foisted on Yugoslavia has done Russia's international reputation immeasurable harm.

This ignominious agreement is identical to the Munich pact which opened the way to World War II. The appeasement of the aggressor will undoubtedly encourage him to wage further predatory wars. There is no doubt that the next target of NATO aggression will be Russia.

We resolutely condemn Mr. V. Chernomyrdin's actions, and we insist on his removal from the post of the Russian president's special representative on the Yugoslavia settlement and on the holding of an official investigation to determine whether his activity corresponds to the official instructions given to him. Urgent measures must be adopted to reduce the level of the damage caused by this treacherous position.

The UN Security Council must have the decisive say in setting the parameters of the settlement. We urge the Russian Federation leadership to take a firm stance in the discussion of this question at the United Nations. The introduction of the peacekeeping forces into Kosovo must be carried out in accordance with Article VII of the UN Charter solely on the basis of a UN Security Council decision.

The UN Security Council resolution must be comprehensive and clear: It must include a detailed breakdown of the national composition and numerical strength of the peacekeeping forces and the duration of their stay, and their rights and duties must be clearly defined.

These forces must be formed primarily from the subunits of neutral countries as well as of the NATO countries which have not taken part in the aggression. The attempts of the United States and its allies to turn the UN operation in Kosovo into the occupation of that territory by NATO troops must be prevented. The peacekeeping forces and above all the Russian contingent must not be subordinate to the NATO leadership. The peacekeeping contingent must be under the command of the United Nations alone.

The principle of Serbia's territorial integrity must be observed, the guaranteed the disarmament of the so-called "Kosovo Liberation Army" must be ensured, and the resumption of its terrorist activity must be prevented.

The implementation of these measures will make it possible to protect the interests of international security and Russia's national interests and create the preconditions for a real settlement in and around Yugoslavia.

[signed] G.A. Zyuganov, N.I. Ryzhkov, N.M. Kharitonov.

*******

Moscow Analyst: Chernomyrdin Helps NATO Win Kosovo War

NTV June 8, 1999 [translation for personal use only]

[Presenter Petr Marchenko] The president of the Politika foundation, Vyacheslav Nikonov, is in our studio at the Rossiya Hotel. [passage omitted: exchange greetings]

[Marchenko] Do you think this criticism of [presidential envoy on a Kosovo settlement] Viktor Chernomyrdin is well-grounded?

[Nikonov] Yes, I do. It is not only the left-wing opposition which is criticizing him. The right-wing opposition -the Yabloko faction, for example - the Russian Foreign Ministry and all the foreign policy experts that I know are criticizing him as well.

The thing is that in recent days Viktor Stepanovich has ceded one after another of Russia's stands in the [Yugoslav] talks. First we ceded the condition demanding a simultaneous stop to the bombing and beginning of troop withdrawal. Then, in fact, we agreed with NATO taking a leading role in managing the peace operation, thus rejecting UN leadership. Chernomyrdin has actually helped NATO to persuade [Yugoslav President Slobodan] Milosevic to accept NATO's ultimatum. Thus Chernomyrdin has helped NATO win the war, and he has now seriously complicated the situation for Russian diplomacy.

[Q] What can Moscow do in this situation? Should it move to hard opposition to the West?

[A] Russia cannot assume a hard opposing position to the West. It can't afford to for economic and a number of political reasons. I don't envy Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov now. [passage omitted: repetition] I think that the right thing for Russia to do now is to head towards the adoption by the [UN] Security Council of a resolution that will consider Russia's position.

[Q] Do you think that a new special envoy may be appointed? If so, who could it be?

[A] Yes, it is possible. It has to be a professional diplomat who has a good understanding of the Balkans problem and Russia's interests. [Q] Can you say who that may be?

[A] I think first of all that it could be the foreign minister.

[passage omitted: speculation on interview in 'Izvestiya' newspaper with the head of the presidential administration, Aleksandr Voloshin, in which he suggests that Prime Minister Sergey Stepashin could become a successor to Boris Yeltsin; parting words]



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