FW: US-China Business Council Testimony

Lisa & Ian Murray seamus at accessone.com
Sat Jun 12 18:15:43 PDT 1999


Watchin' the watchers.....
>
>
> From House Ways and Means hearings 6/8/99
>
>
> Statement of Robert A. Kapp, President
> United States-China Business Council
>
> Testimony Before the Subcommittee on Trade
> of the House Committee on Ways and Means
>
> Hearing on United States-China Trade Relations and the
> Possible Accession of China to the World Trade Organization
>
> June 8, 1999
>
> Mr. Chairman, members of the Subcommittee:
>
> Thank you for permitting me to offer testimony before this
> hearing on US-China Trade Relations and the Possible Accession of
> China to the World Trade Organization.
>
> I am Robert Kapp, President of the United States - China Business
> Council. The Council is a private, nonprofit and nonpartisan
> business association headquartered in Washington. We support the
> business development efforts of more than 250 leading American
> companies in a broad range of commercial fields. Founded in 1973,
> the Council is the principal organization of US firms engaged in
> trade and investment with China. Many of our member companies
> have been working hard on their businesses in China for two
> decades; others are newer to the field, and approach
> opportunities for productive commerce with China with the
> innovativeness and energy that characterizes America's young,
> creative, and rapidly internationalizing business sectors.
>
> I. U.S.-China Relations: The River and the Rapids
>
> Mr. Chairman, we have had difficult moments over the past year on
> the China front, particularly in the very recent past. Both the
> United States and China have found, especially in the past few
> months, occasions to doubt each other's intentions, to wonder
> about the other's motivations, and above all to criticize the
> other's actions harshly and publicly.
>
> Two months ago, the intense US-China effort to reach a decisive
> WTO package by the time of Premier Zhu Rongji's visit to the
> United States came tantalizingly close, but fell short; the past
> two months have apparently been unproductive. The shocking
> bombing of China's embassy in Yugoslavia took place a month ago;
> events within China in supposed response to the bombing have, not
> been helpful, to say the least. Two weeks ago came full
> publication of the Report of the Select Committee on U.S.
> National Security and Military/Commercial Concerns with the
> People's Republic of China, and with it not only renewed
> attention to the apparent chronic failings of American management
> of national secrets but also another ear-splitting exchange of
> media and political salvoes, some with truly apocalyptic
> overtones and some -- in both countries -- with gritty racial
> insinuation. Last week came the tenth anniversary of the
> Tiananmen violence, whose date happens to fall only one day after
> the legally-mandated deadline for presidential renewal of
> standing U.S. tariff policy toward China, and which continues to
> galvanize both public memory and media attention.
>
> And yet, as I write this testimony on Sunday, June 6, momentary
> silence reigns. There appears not a single news report, feature
> article, opinion essay or editorial relating to China in those
> three news organs that sometimes seem to define the attention of
> the nation's policy-makers -- the Los Angeles Times, the
> Washington Post, and the New York Times. The Sunday TV talk
> shows, too, have moved on to other topics. For the moment, China
> is "off;" other stories are "on."
>
> Mr. Chairman, U.S.-China relations are volatile, and they are
> spasmodic. On the surface, they are characterized by sudden
> eruptions of public, media, and political attention. They are, as
> people say, "event-driven." Time and again, the U.S. and China
> remind me of two people stuffed into a single kayak, running the
> rapids of a turbulent stream.
>
> But the U.S. and China are heavyweight players in a very big game
> that does not live by news cycles, legislative calendars, Central
> Committee schedules, or other domestic rhythms alone. The task of
> policy makers in both countries, who do live in a world of such
> pulsing rhythms, is to build structures and forge enduring
> policies aimed at advancing national and shared interests over
> the long term. They must navigate a broader, and longer, river.
>
> The U.S. and China have a big and growing relationship --
> bilaterally, in the Asia-Pacific Region, and globally;
> economically, politically, culturally, and even ecologically.
> Beneath the jagged, seismograph-like lines of day-do-day events
> in the US-China relationship, there is and must be a quieter flow
> of longer-term involvement between the world's most powerful
> nation and largest economy on the one hand and the world's most
> populous and most rapidly-developing society on the other.
> Sustained, stable, and growing economic relations are a key
> element in this deeper process.
>
> This hearing by the Trade Subcommittee of the House Ways & Means
> Committee provides a crucial opportunity, on Capitol Hill, for us
> all to remember the longer-term flow of U.S.-China involvement
> from which neither country can, or should in its own national
> interest, turn away.
>
> II. NTR Renewal and China's Prospective WTO membership.
>
> Mr. Chairman, I appear before the Subcommittee this year for the
> sixth time. In past years, the Trade Subcommittee hearing has
> been built around one thing: the Resolution of Disapproval
> offered annually in the House with the stated intention of
> overturning the action of the president in retaining for one
> extra year the ordinary tariffs (so-called "NTR," or "Normal
> Trade Relations" levies) on Chinese imports. Current U.S. law
> leaves these tariffs open to cancellation every summer. Passage
> of the Resolution would rupture U.S.-China economic relations and
> much, much more.
>
> Members of this Committee need no reminders of the intensity of
> views that has usually accompanied this annual exercise; or of
> the intensity of the legislative and political maneuvering
> occasioned by the yearly NTR campaign; or of the ensuing feelings
> of resignation and futility that many Members of Congress have
> expressed as the annual NTR mini-drama has played itself out.
>
> The U.S.-China Business Council has never, and will never, take
> for granted the renewal of these plain-vanilla tariffs on Chinese
> imports; we will never assume that this lowest-common-denominator
> baseline for the continuation of normal trade with our country's
> fourth-ranked trade partner, is immune to derailment, so long as
> the annual review mandated by a 1974 law written to force a
> now-defunct Soviet Union to permit the free emigration of Soviet
> Jews remains pointed at the heart of nearly $100 billion in
> legitimate US-China merchandise trade and more than $20 billion
> in legitimate American investment in China.
>
> And yet, Mr. Chairman, as you have pointed out in calling this
> hearing, and as the comments by leaders of a set of key U.S.
> corporations (several of them members of the Board of Directors
> of the U.S.-China Business Council) have suggested today, this
> Annual NTR Renewal hearing of the Ways & Means Trade Subcommittee
> might -- just might -- turn out to be the last hearing of its kind.
>
> With luck, with perseverance, and above all with a clear-eyed
> rededication to the stabilization and development of US-China
> relations by leaders and policy makers in both nations, the
> Congress may in coming months face the opportunity -- and the
> challenge -- of bringing home to America a majestic array of
> economic and commercial benefits achieved by U.S. negotiators
> after nearly thirteen years of tough engagement with China.
>
> That opportunity, of course, will lie in the Congressional
> decision on whether to provide full WTO-member treatment to the
> People's Republic of China, and thus ensure for the United States
> full WTO-member treatment from China, as the PRC accedes to the
> global trading system's rules and obligations embodied in the
> World Trade Organization.
>
> From evidence already in hand, it is apparent that the United
> States and China have made massive progress, much of it in the
> weeks and days preceding the visit of Premier Zhu Rongji to the
> United States in April, on a package of market-opening provisions
> that add up to the biggest advancement of U.S. commercial
> interests with China since the dawn of U.S. trade with the PRC in
> the 1970s. The remarks of business leaders earlier in today's
> hearing, and the numerous written statements addressed to
> Congress and the president in recent weeks from Members of the
> House and Senate as well as from dozens and dozens of companies
> and associations in agriculture, manufacturing, services, and
> consumer business, attest to the breadth of economic benefits to
> our country expected to flow from successful conclusion of
> negotiations over China's entry into the WTO.
>
> Should the United States and China together rally the wisdom and
> the far-sightedness needed to return to the table, resolve
> outstanding issues, and complete the U.S.-China bilateral
> agreement on PRC accession to the World Trade Organization, it
> will fall to Congress to answer the question:
>
> Having secured China's agreement to the broad menu of
> market-opening and other measures that we have fought for in the
> name of a "commercially viable" agreement for so many years, will
> the U.S. act to bring those benefits home to our companies, our
> manufacturing producers, our farmers, our consumers, and our
> communities? Or will we, instead, turn inexplicably away,
> spurning the very commercial and economic concessions that we
> have fought successfully to achieve, while those benefits flow to
> every other WTO member -- including our bitter competitors in
> Europe, Japan, and elsewhere?
>
> We hope, Mr. Chairman, that if this historic opportunity does
> materialize this year, Congress will decisively choose the first
> of those two options.
>
> Mr. Chairman, in the Annual MFN/NTR review process over the
> years, this hearing of the Trade Subcommittee has heard
> thoughtful comments from witnesses within and outside the
> Congress, not only about the specifics of U.S.-China commercial
> relations but about almost every aspect of U.S.-China relations
> and about many aspects of China's domestic affairs. The hearing
> has served as a useful opportunity each year to put both
> immediately-related and more broadly relevant issues on the table
> for Members, in the weeks preceding the annual vote on
> elimination of ordinary U.S. tariffs on Chinese imports.
>
> Each year, for nearly a decade, Members of the House have
> listened, read, discussed, and sometimes argued these issues with
> all parties willing to engage them. I know personally how much
> time Members of Congress and their staffs have been willing to
> make available to me and others from the US-China Business
> Council, and to my colleagues from other associations and
> companies as well, under the broad rubric of the Business Council
> for U.S.-China Trade, whether each Member has been entirely to
> our views or not. We know that Members have listened with equal
> courtesy to other views on NTR renewal and on U.S.-China
> relations, sometimes expressed with great intensity of feeling.
> Each time we meet and engage on these questions, I feel a sense
> of excitement and pride at the unique openness of our system of
> government and the good will of those elected to make our laws.
>
> And each year, the House has ultimately chosen to maintain the
> simple baseline of a normal economic relationship between
> ourselves and China -- not a favor to China, not the preferential
> tariff treatment we grant to several dozen other nations, but
> simply standard tariffs. The House's decision has not been
> unanimous, but it has been commanding; it has been thoughtful,
> and it has been bipartisan.
>
> That decision to sustain -- or perhaps better, not to rupture --
> our country's massive economic interaction with China, has been a
> critical prerequisite to the powerful progress that the U.S. has
> managed to achieve this year on the hundreds of issues
> surrounding China's admission to the WTO; without NTR over the
> years, it is impossible to imagine the two countries moving as
> far as they apparently now have done on the bigger, more
> structural changes that WTO imposes on China.
>
> Conclusion
>
> Thus, Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee, the decision
> to maintain NTR tariffs for the coming year is as fully justified
> as it has been in the past: it is the cornerstone of a normal
> bilateral trade and economic relationship and the precondition
> for gradual expansion of the broad stream of positive U.S.-China
> contacts. Make no mistake: the continuation of normal economic
> intercourse between China and the U.S. augurs well for China's
> continued movement in directions that virtually all Americans
> would applaud, while the rupturing of economic ties as a result
> of NTR elimination would, in our view, contribute nothing to the
> elimination of conditions within China to which many Americans
> take exception.
>
> Beyond that, though, NTR renewal is a humble but critical
> prerequisite for something far bigger, and something far more
> promising for the long-term interests of the United States:
> conclusion of US-China bilateral negotiations on the terms of
> China's accession to the rights, rules, and obligations embodied
> in the World Trade Organization. We urge the Subcommittee, the
> House Ways & Means Committee, and the Congress to support
> vigorously annual NTR extension by defeating the Resolution of
> Disapproval. The US-China Business Council urges the Congress to
> support with equal vigor, when presented with the opportunity,
> the extension of full WTO-member status to China, so that we can
> enjoy the fruits of what promises to be a very significant
> victory for the American economy and for global economic progress.
>
> Thank you for including these remarks in the record. I have
> attached a few additional items, by way of illustrating the
> dimensions of current US-China commercial relations and by way of
> illustrating an example of what we believe is the constructive
> role American business plays in the broader US-China
> Relationship. The recent announcement of grants from the
> U.S.-China Legal Cooperation Fund is a small but promising
> example of support -- in this case by member companies in the
> US-China Business Council -- for the kind of long-term
> building-block work that US-China relations require. To date, the
> Congress has declined to provide any support for similar work at
> the government-to-government level, in spite of repeated annual
> requests. We hope that the Congress might in the future be
> willing to do its part to help with this and other positive
> programs of US-China cooperation in areas of truly shared interest.
>
> [THE OFFICIAL COMMITTEE RECORD CONTAINS ADDITIONAL MATERIAL HERE.]
>
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