Mexican strike & "ultras"

Peter Kilander peterk at enteract.com
Sat Jun 26 18:20:04 PDT 1999


[Doug and Max, I thought you might appreciate the second to last paragraph; "ultras" is a great coinage.]

"Cardenas and other leaders of his party seem

to have lost the influence over the strikers

they once enjoyed. Increasingly, the huge

all-night assemblies where the students

decide their moves have been dominated by

activists from small socialist groups, dubbed

"ultras" by other students within the strike

movement."

New York Times 6/25/99 Mexico Student Strike in Capital Jarring the Entire Country

By JULIA PRESTON

MEXICO CITY -- The student strike at

Mexico's biggest university began on

April 20 as a protest against a plan by the

administration to make those who could afford

it pay tuition.

Seven long weeks later, the university's

president, Francisco Barnes de Castro,

admitted defeat and agreed to make all

tuition payments voluntary.

Most people thought that would put an end to

the protests, but to the shock of the

administration, the strikers at the National

Autonomous University of Mexico, the largest

institution of higher education in Latin

America, were still not satisfied.

The strike, which closed down classrooms for

270,000 students, is now in its third month

and shows no sign of moving toward

resolution. Mobilizations for and against it

have spilled over from the campus into the

streets of the capital city. The strike

movement has escaped the control of national

political and intellectual leaders.

A sizable core of angry students is seeking

to use the strike to gain new power within

the university and resist Mexico's decade-old

shift away from a costly welfare state toward

lean government and private enterprise. Many

of Mexico's most prominent scholars, however,

have turned against the shutdown and warned

that it could permanently cripple the

university.

Thursday, President Ernesto Zedillo made it

clear that the strike at the university has

become a pressing national concern. He called

it "brutal aggression" against the university

that is "hurting the enormous majority who

want to study to get ahead." But Zedillo said

he would continue to support the

administration in seeking to solve the strike

peacefully.

Barnes' original plan was to require students

with economic means to pay about $150 tuition

for a year. The current fees amount to only a

few cents. But even though a governing

council at the university voted to cancel any

obligatory tuition payments, the strikers

refused to lift the shutdown until all fees

were eliminated. Many financially-strapped

departments collect small fees for the use of

laboratories and computers.

The strikers are also demanding elimination

of recently instituted admission and

graduation examinations, and lifting of the

limits on the time students can remain

enrolled before graduating. They also want to

restore automatic admission for students from

a network of high schools linked to the

university, which was canceled in 1995.

Their most ambitious demand is to convene a

congress to "refound" the university, giving

students equal power in decisions with the

administration and faculty.

"For us, education is not a commercial

service -- it is one of the social rights we

won in Mexico over the last decades," said

Higinio Munoz, a science major who is a

spokesman for the students' strike committee.

"Now the government wants to take that away

from us with a stroke of the pen."

Both sides resorted this week to public

displays of strength. On Wednesday some

15,000 high-spirited strikers, many with

their faces grease-painted in the red and

black strike colors, broke into the

university stadium and held a rally to

proclaim their determination to continue the

shutdown.

At one point two dozen young men stood up in

a chorus line in the bleachers, each with a

letter painted on his naked chest forming the

words "Long live the strike!" They raised a

frenzy of approval when they turned around,

spelling a vulgar insult to the mother of the

university president, Barnes.

Also on Wednesday, a group of faculty women

at the university hung banners from

overpasses on a major highway through the

capital, calling on drivers to turn on their

headlights if they opposed the strike.

Thousands of cars lit up.

Thursday morning another student crowd,

slightly smaller and more heavily middle

class than the crowd of strikers, turned out

in a central plaza downtown to call for the

strike to end.

"We have already done our part," Barnes told

them in a resolute speech. "We already

reached the agreements that could end this

conflict. There are no more excuses. The

strike has got to stop."

In a communique marking the end of two months

of the strike on June 22, the protest leaders

laid out their worldview, at once cocky and

defensive. They described Barnes and the

Mexican government as tools of a campaign by

global organizations like the International

Monetary Fund and the World Bank to destroy

public education in Mexico.

They accused the administration of building a

"repressive police apparatus" within the

university, pointing to a network of video

cameras recently installed around the campus.

Administration officials said the cameras

were to help combat the wave of common crime

which has swept the capital city.

The strike has become a problem for

Cuauhtemoc Cardenas Solorzano, the

left-of-center opposition mayor of Mexico

City, who is expected to run for president in

national elections next year.

At first, leaders of Cardenas' Party of the

Democratic Revolution, several of whom were

once student activists themselves, openly

supported the strike, although they denied

that they aided it with resources from the

city government.

But on June 10 the strikers, led by some of

their most militant leaders, went outside the

campus in street marches that snarled traffic

for hours on several of Mexico City's busiest

thoroughfares. Many city residents, already

skeptical about the strike, were furious at

Cardenas, believing that he encouraged the

disruption.

Cardenas and other leaders of his party seem

to have lost the influence over the strikers

they once enjoyed. Increasingly, the huge

all-night assemblies where the students

decide their moves have been dominated by

activists from small socialist groups, dubbed

"ultras" by other students within the strike

movement.

Thousands of students continued their studies

in off-campus classrooms.

University officials said that at least

162,500 students, or about 65 percent of the

undergraduates, were able to complete their

work for the semester.



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