On this basis he contrasted Vietnam and Algeria. The French had real and serious economic interests in the exploitation of Algerian labor, and so genocide was not an option in that war. In contrast, since the U.S. had no economic interest in the exploitation of Vietnamese labor (Nike came much later), genocide was a possible option, and in fact U.S. military strategy was based on the choice of that option. At the end of his essay Sartre raises a parllel question to
that Doug raises. He wondered if the U.S. rulers named their choices as he did when talking among themselves, and suggested that U.S. hypocrisy and moralistic self-deception had to be considered.
Since the end of the Vietnam war my own tentative hypothesis for most U.S. interventions (whatever the nominal reasons) is that they are aimed at the American people -- specifically, that their overriding goal is the destruction of what came to be called the Vietnam Syndrome or spontaneous popular resistance to military adventurism. If that was the goal, the strategy is working -- as shown by the willingness of even sophisticated and supposedly "left" intellectuals to take seriously the right/ability/honesty of the U.S. government in making moral judgments on conflicts elsewhere in the world and act accordingly. Anyone who has studied at all closely the actions of the U.S. in the world since 1970 must know that (a) its intentions are never even remotely humanitarian and (b) the results are always (there has been no exception) a disaster for the people the U.S. claims to be helping. (This includes even pure "disaster," earthquake, storm, plague, etc., relief.)
What frightens me is the apparent willingness of some to go along with the implicit premise of U.S. policy in the 20th century: that its military/economic strength translates into moral superiority to barbarian Iranians, Iraqi, Serbs, Haitians, etc. Grade school pieties have a terrible survival value.
Carrol