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<b>Support Your Local Corporate Crime Police</b>
<br>By Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman
<p>Earlier this year, the Justice Department put out a fifteen-page memo
<br>titled "Federal Prosecutions of Corporations."
<br>
<br>The purpose of the memo was to help federal prosecutors decide when
to
<br>prosecute -- and not prosecute -- corporations.
<br>
<br>It's a great little memo. Written by Deputy Attorney General Eric Holder,
<br>the memo makes the point right up front that "vigorous enforcement
of the
<br>criminal laws against corporate wrongdoers, where appropriate, results
in
<br>great benefits for law enforcement and the public, particularly in
the
<br>area of white collar crime."
<br>
<br>According to the memo, "prosecutors should be aware of the important
<br>public benefits that may flow from indicting a corporation in appropriate
<br>cases."
<br>
<br>When indicted for criminal conduct that is pervasive throughout the
<br>industry, corporations are likely to take remedial action. Thus, "an
<br>indictment often provides a unique opportunity for deterrence on a
massive
<br>scale." In addition, an indictment may result in specific deterrence
by
<br>the culture of the indicted corporation and its employees.
<br>
<br>In corporate crime cases that carry with them a substantial risk of
great
<br>public harm -- like environmental crime cases -- there is a "substantial
<br>federal interest in indicting the corporation."
<br>
<br>That's what we thought. The memo is well written, and a good guide
for
<br>prosecutors. The Justice Department should have put out a press release
<br>announcing the memo to the world, instead of sitting on it until someone
<br>on the inside leaked it out to us.
<br>
<br>Perhaps one reason Janet Reno's people didn't want it to go public
is that
<br>the Justice Department isn't walking the talk -- especially in the
<br>environmental crimes arena.
<br>
<br>Prosecution of environmental crimes has sharply fallen during the Clinton
<br>Administration, according to a compilation of court records released
last
<br>week by Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility (PEER).
<p>Comparing statistics from a three-year period in the Bush Administration
<br>(1989-91) with a similar period in the Clinton Administration (1996-98),
<br>the PEER review shows dramatic declines in criminal referrals,
<br>prosecutions and convictions:
<br>
<br>* more than a one-quarter (27 percent) decrease in prosecutions;
<br>
<br>* a greater than one-third (38 percent) drop in convictions; and
<br>
<br>* a nearly 10 percent decline in the conviction rate.
<br>
<br>Even though the Justice Department is pursuing fewer cases, it is also
<br>declining more cases (26 percent more) brought by referring agencies,
such
<br>as the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) or the Fish & Wildlife
<br>Service.
<br>
<br>"The criminal environmental enforcement record of the previous incumbent
<br>was clearly better by virtually every measure of prosecutorial effort,"
<br>commented PEER Executive Director Jeff Ruch, a former state prosecutor.
<br>"Maybe George Bush really was the Environmental President."
<br>
<br>The statistics also reinforce the results of PEER employee surveys
and
<br>interviews with federal prosecutors and law enforcement officers about
the
<br>de-emphasis of environmental enforcement within their agencies.
<br>
<br>For example, PEER is defending Gregory Sasse, an Assistant United States
<br>Attorney in Cleveland, who says he has suffered retaliation for pursuing
<br>pollution prosecutions under the Clinton Administration.
<br>
<br>Sasse is probably one of the more aggressive prosecutors of environmental
<br>crimes in the country. And because of it, it appears, he has been isolated
<br>and discriminated against.
<br>
<br>In a complaint filed in 1996, Sasse says that his superiors within
the
<br>Department punished him for prosecuting polluters.
<br>
<br>In one case, reported on recently by the Boston Globe's David Armstrong,
<br>Sasse was briefing a supervisor about a steel company that was illegally
<br>releasing toxic pollutants into the air and sickening nearby residents.
<br>
<br>According to Sasse, the supervisor asked him -- "If the neighbors don't
<br>like it, why don't they move?"
<br>
<br>When Sasse insisted that the pollution was making the neighbors sick,
<br>Sasse says the supervisor told him, "people get sick all the time."
<br>
<br>"I was sick last month and nobody opened a criminal investigation,"
Sasse
<br>reports the supervisor saying.
<br>
<br>Sometimes, line prosecutors rebel against their superiors. That has
been
<br>the case in New England recently, where for four years, line prosecutors
<br>have been complaining about EPA New England enforcement chief John
<br>DeVillars.
<br>
<br>In a May 13, 1998 letter to EPA Administrator Carol Browner, PEER alleged
<br>that DeVillars "has engaged in a pattern of activity which has undermined
<br>environmental enforcement, given a distinct impression of favoritism
<br>within certain segments of the regulated community, and constrained
<br>regional enforcement staff from properly carrying out their duties."
<br>
<br>Earlier this month, under pressure from PEER, DeVillars abruptly resigned
<br>his position, saying that he was leaving the EPA to teach at the
<br>Massachusetts Institute of Technology and to pursue an unspecified
<br>"business venture."
<br>
<br>Unfortunately, in our society, dominated as it is by the corporate
<br>criminal elite, line prosecutors like Sasse are left fighting for their
<br>professional lives, while political operatives like DeVillars get plum
<br>jobs at top flight universities.
<br>
<br>Not exactly what Eric Holder recommended in his memo.
<br>
<p>Russell Mokhiber is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based Corporate Crime
<br>Reporter. Robert Weissman is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based
<br>Multinational Monitor. They are co-authors of Corporate Predators:
The
<br>Hunt for MegaProfits and the Attack on Democracy (Monroe, Maine: Common
<br>Courage Press, 1999, <A HREF="http://www.corporatepredators.org">http://www.corporatepredators.org</A>)
<p>(c) Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman
<p>Nathan Newman wrote:
<blockquote TYPE=CITE>> -----Original Message-----
<br>> From: owner-lbo-talk@lists.panix.com
<br>> [<a href="mailto:owner-lbo-talk@lists.panix.com">mailto:owner-lbo-talk@lists.panix.com</a>]On
Behalf Of Doug Henwood
<br>> Sent: Wednesday, November 24, 1999 11:09 AM
<br>>
<br>> Nathan Newman wrote:
<br>>
<br>> >In a sense, and contrary to intuition, you can see how starkly class
<br>> >conscious American economic law is.
<br>>
<br>> Why is this contrary to intuition? The U.S. ruling class is extremely
<br>> well-organized and class conscious, not only on a national scale,
but
<br>> internationally. Is there any other ruling class that's as
<br>> well-organized, class conscious, and so largely unchallenged?
<p>Of course, and I should have said, contrary to conventional wisdom.
<p>But there is also a strong part of the system that is class-conscious
from
<br>the labor side, where workers in the US for extremely class-conscious
<br>reasons rejected involvement in corporate goverance as a pitfall for
class
<br>sell-out and class collaboration- all the contemporary talk of
<br>labor-management partnership to the contrary.
<p>Depite the "American Exceptionalism" arguement that portray US workers
as
<br>less socialist-minded or class conscious than European workers, there
is a
<br>rather militant strain in the US that dismissed the "co-determination"
of
<br>Europe and company unionism of Japan as a sell-out of class principles.
It
<br>was only when US workers got their asses handed to them in the 1970s
while
<br>benefits seemed to hold on in Europe and Japan that the American version
of
<br>labor relations was so denigrated.
<p>There is a tough strain of US unionism that, partly derived from the
Wobbly
<br>strain, sees even a contract with a no-strike clause as far too close
a
<br>relationship with management for comfort. This strain was reflected
in the
<br>Wagner Act, even if its practice was heavily gutted by Taft-Hartley
in 1947
<br>and by rather creative judicial interpretations that turned union contracts
<br>into binding agreements under law.
<p>What I find interesting is the interplay of these two class conscious
legal
<br>traditions, labor law and corporate law, playing out in completely
separate
<br>and largely incompatible legal venues. And as they mix in these
corporate
<br>campaigns, long suppressed class contradictions of our legal and economic
<br>system are coming to the fore. It is, in historical terms, an
important
<br>"critical juncture" and how we mobilize to win out in the ensuing battle
<br>will make a large difference for the future.
<p>-- Nathan Newman</blockquote>
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