Nationalism, Indigenismo, & Vanguardism (was Re: Patriotism)

Michael Hoover hoov at freenet.tlh.fl.us
Sat Feb 26 05:35:29 PST 2000



> What Mariategui says above was largely true during the days of
> anti-colonial struggles for independence. Now, long after the heyday of
> anti-colonial movements in the Third World, we need to assess each Third
> World nationalism, case by case, taking a close look at its social and
> ideological compositions, as well as its position vis-a-vis imperialism.
> Still and all, what Mariategui called "the Indigenous Question" is an
> unfinished one anywhere in the Americas and especially important in the
> largely Indian nations in Latin America. I suspect that the combination of
> nationalism & indigenismo is in many ways meaningful to, say, peoples in
> Guatemala, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Columbia, etc.
> So, nationalism of one kind or another is likely to be with us in the
> foreseeable future. The questions are, of what kind? When? And where?
> To what effects?
> Yoshie

Engels, in an 1882 letter to Kautsky, wrote:

"It is historically impossible for people to discuss seriously any internal questions as long as national independence is lacking...To get rid of national oppression is the basic condition of all free and healthy development." (quoted in H. B. Davis, _Nationalism and Socialism_)

To which Mariatequi's insights on adapting to national conditions must be added...

Nationhood (however much an 'imagined community' the concept is as Benedict Anderson suggests) cannot be completed in instances such as ones cited above unless balance of class forces can mitigate historical pattern of capitalist integration that has had generally uniform, negative effects for majority of people. Various 'nationalisms' have condemned conditions of persistent of poverty, authoritatian gov't, outside intervention, absence of real autonomy. They can't all be correct. History shows bourgeois factions (irrespective of their 'progressive' character) cannot break from core's domination because they are only nominally independent and their class interests work against doing so. The system of exploitation to which labor has been subjected, a system maintained by capital supported by US interests, reflects maldevelopment of quasi-national status.

Nationalism in countries such as those cited above cannot correspond to property-owning classes leading 'national project' pursuant to their particular interests. Rather, 'national question' is about possibility of building, through differing process of hegemony, a popular subject. Chile (evolutionary) and Nicaragua (revolutionary) posed the most important question of all: Will capital cooperate in transformation of state form that facilitates exploitative relations upon which it depends?

Of course, pseudo-sovereign status of nations that have occupied place in US 'backyard' reinforce warnings as old as those of Bolivar and San Martin that declarations of independence are meaningless so long as colonial power remains. Thus, nationalism in such circumstances must take on trans-national character in repudiating neo-colonial, dependent capitalist relations. Such nationalist struggles must combat both entrenched ruling classes and subordination to imperial power. Michael Hoover



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