Heh, heh...Mr. Morbid here! Missed this one thanks, will forward to the, "Discussions on Right-Wing Influences on the Left, " list, for my fellow obsessives. http://www.savanne.ch/right-left.html
Michael Pugliese P.S. BTW, See that new Verso book on Carl Schmitt? Or the newest Commentary that (at least on a very quick skim at the bookstore) AGREES with Norman Finkelstein on the Swiss repararations! http://www.commentarymagazine.com/0009/schoenfeld.html (Conclusion)...Some of these extremists have accused the organized Jewish world of engaging in gangster tactics. One can only hope that the venom of such attacks will not deter other, more responsible voices from issuing criticism when and in whatever measure it is due. Thus far, alas, only a few such voices have been heard. "The pursuit of billions in Holocaust guilt money," warns Charles Krauthammer with characteristic directness, "has gone from the unseemly to the disgraceful." To Abraham Foxman, the reduction of the Holocaust to a matter of dollars and cents amounts to a "desecration" and "too high a price to pay for a justice we will never achieve."
They are right. It is past time to reconsider.
>--- Original Message ---
>From: LEOCASEY at AOL.COM
>To: marxist at egroups.com
>Date: 9/8/00 12:13:51 PM
>
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>
>This article from NYTimes.com
>has been sent to you by Leo Casey LeoCasey at AOL.COM.
>
>Marxism List
>
>With Brother Pugliese's morbid fascination bordering on obsession with
red-brown alliances [is this a dissertation topic], how did he miss this
one?
>
>Leo Casey
>LeoCasey at AOL.COM
>
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>
>Odd Couple of German Politics: Left-Right Alliance
>
>September 8, 2000
>
>By ROGER COHEN
>
>BERLIN, Sept. 7 - They are the unlikeliest of allies - a former West
>German Army officer trained in the United States and a longtime
>member of the East German Communist Party who spent much of his
>life teaching Marxist theory.
>
> But Udo Voigt, who still sports a military mustache, and Michael
>Nier, who still quotes Lenin, have found common cause in the
>rightist National Democratic Party, creating the heady platform of
>nostalgic nationalism and "German Socialism" that the movement now
>proposes.
>
> Since neo-Nazi violence, much of it directed against foreigners,
>became the chief object of debate here after a bombing on July 27
>in Düsseldorf, the government has discussed at length a possible
>ban on the party, whose youth wing is widely seen as providing a
>meeting point for rightist thugs.
>
> But little of the talk has focused on the diffuse makeup of a
>party that has tried to broaden its support by grafting East German
>grievances onto its West German tradition of revisionist
>nationalism. In their different frustrations, Mr. Voigt and Mr.
>Nier suggest the diversity of German anger and the potential
>difficulty of quelling it.
>
> They also display how the extreme right in Germany, as elsewhere
>in Europe, awkwardly mixes traditional conservative values like
>nationalism with traditional left-wing values like the defense of
>workers in an effort to build a new power base.
>
> The migration of center-left parties toward the embrace of the
>market has opened new opportunities for such parties with the less
>well-off, as Jörg Haider's Freedom Party has illustrated in
>Austria.
>
> For now, the odd alliance - Mr. Voigt is the party leader and Mr.
>Nier is its chief theorist - seems to have had some limited
>success. The party has doubled its membership, to 6,600 members in
>the last three years, with many new members younger than 30 and
>coming from Mr. Nier's state, Saxony.
>
> Thousands of inquiries about membership have poured in since the
>discussion of a ban began, and the party's new aim is to attract
>20,000 members. "Then we could have real influence," Mr. Voigt
>said.
>
> Portraying himself as the defender of the "ordinary German under
>siege by foreigners," Mr. Voigt, 48, traced his convictions from
>the time when his father, Richard, slapped him in a dispute over
>the Nazis.
>
> "I was about 12 and I had been shown films of Auschwitz at school,
>so I believed that anyone who fought with Hitler was evil," he
>said. "I came home and confronted my father. I told him he was a
>criminal.."
>
> Richard Voigt had served as a Wehrmacht soldier in a tank
>division, first on the French front and then in Russia. He told his
>son that he had known nothing of Auschwitz or other camps until
>after the war.
>
> He told his son that ordinary Germans like himself were not
>criminals. He recalled, in defense of the army, how he had
>witnessed the execution of a German soldier condemned by a military
>court for the rape of a Polish girl.
>
> So began Udo Voigt's transformation into a nationalist, convinced
>that his father's generation had been unfairly sullied, that the
>Holocaust had become an industry intended to impose permanent shame
>on Germany and that other genocides, including "killing the native
>Indians in America," had been forgotten.
>
> "When the Jews speak of collective German guilt for the Third
>Reich, we get angry," he said. "Their aim is an extension of the
>Morgenthau plan for the dismemberment of Germany, an attempt to
>paralyze us by passing guilt from generation to generation."
>
> In World War II, Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau Jr. proposed
>turning Germany into a politically meaningless state by destroying
>industry and allowing only an agrarian economy. His ideas were
>rejected.
>
> "The generation that was responsible for Hitler's crimes has had
>to pay for them, and the criminals were judged," said Mr. Voigt,
>who spent 12 years in the West German Army, rising to captain. "We
>have handed out more than $100 billion in reparations. I was born
>in 1952, and my generation had no responsibility. Those who are
>young today have even less. But the imposition of guilt continues."
>
> Mr. Voigt said the constant "intimidation" of Germany is intended
>to ensure that no new national sentiment is possible. It is also
>meant to create a guilt complex feeding a sense of obligation in
>Germany that leads it to take in more and more foreigners to prove
>its tolerance.
>
> But foreigners, to Mr. Voigt, are Germany's chief problem. In his
>time in the United States in 1973 and 1974, training on missile
>systems in El Paso, he saw what he called severe racial problems in
>the United States Army. There lay one seed of his opposition to a
>"multiethnic and multicultural state."
>
> He said that if his party gained power - an extremely remote
>possibility, given that it has about 1 percent of the vote - any
>foreigner without work for three months would immediately be sent
>back to his home country. Foreigners would not be allowed to own
>real estate and would be excluded from welfare, "because that is
>one of the main reasons they come to this country."
>
> "We would have a five-year plan to send foreigners back," he said.
>"A large number will go. Not in 24 hours. But I believe that in the
>end 80 to 90 percent would leave."
>
> There are more than seven million foreigners in Germany, 9 percent
>of the population.
>
> Mr. Voigt deplored recent anti-immigrant violence and said his
>party had nothing to do with it. But, he said, high unemployment
>and high immigration were bringing Germany to a breaking point.
>
> "Our course of action now is to represent the frustrated German
>worker," he continued. "The Social Democrats have deserted the
>worker for foreign capitalist interests. Yet poverty is growing.
>Ours will be a new German Socialism."
>
> Enter Mr. Nier, born into the Third Reich in Dresden in 1943, the
>son of a convinced Nazi, a member of a family traumatized by the
>Allied bombardment of Dresden that forced them to flee, a child of
>the postwar East German Communist state.
>
> His is a different frustration, far from that of a Rhineland
>military man who feels Germany has been on the receiving end of
>American- or Jewish-led claims and criticism for too long. Mr.
>Nier's is the frustration of a man who feels he lost his Communist
>home. Both frustrations are potent and, in some degree, widespread,
>if seldom expressed publicly.
>
> Mr. Nier joined the Communist Party in 1965, worked in an
>automobile factory and moved on to study philosophy in Dresden.
>"Then," he said, "I started teaching at the Technical University in
>Chemnitz and other technical institutes, before the Berlin Wall
>fell in 1989, and I lost my job like just about everyone else."
>
> Holding a succession of jobs - he describes the latest as
>"teaching history to 15 women who have no reason to learn history"
>- Mr. Nier remained in his party until two years ago. Then he
>abruptly switched to the extreme right and the National Democratic
>Party.
>
> "Look, Voigt is a former officer and I'm a former Communist, but
>we have one shared perception," he said. "That is, that the Social
>Democrats and Christian Democrats have abandoned ordinary people.
>The only party for the simple people today is ours. That is why I
>developed the slogan, `Socialism in Germany.' "
>
> Mr. Nier insisted that the party should have nothing to do with
>the terror of the Third Reich and said a pivotal battle was engaged
>between "the destructive Nazi side of the party, which is stronger
>for now, and my battle for a progressive people- based national
>movement."
>
> He added that German pride would have to be restored by "building
>back the European Union to acceptable levels," making clear to
>immigrants that "this is our land, clear and simple" and preventing
>German soldiers' serving as "pawns" of Americans in places like
>Kosovo.
>
> That message would eventually prevail, Mr. Nier insisted, adding
>that he would welcome a party ban, because it "would be seen as
>antidemocratic and give us a huge boost." He smiled confidently and
>said, "Even Lenin had small beginnings."
>
>
>
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>http://www.nytimes.com
>
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and dirt."
>--Marx, Capital, Vol. 1, Chapter 31
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