<HTML><FONT SIZE=2>Max wrote: </FONT><FONT COLOR="#000000" SIZE=3 FAMILY="SANSSERIF" FACE="Arial" LANG="0"></BLOCKQUOTE>
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<BR></FONT><FONT COLOR="#000000" SIZE=2 FAMILY="SANSSERIF" FACE="Arial" LANG="0"><BLOCKQUOTE TYPE=CITE style="BORDER-LEFT: #0000ff 2px solid; MARGIN-LEFT: 5px; MARGIN-RIGHT: 0px; PADDING-LEFT: 5px">You are making an inference about Ruy's politics which is inaccurate. He's <BR>a friend of mine, so anyone can take that any way they like. (correct <BR>spelling:
<BR>Teixeira. He's of Portuguese extraction, fyi.)
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<BR>For Ruy the attention to white workers serves the purpose of forming a <BR>complete notion of class. It's not that he sees them as some crucial <BR>vanguard of change in and of themselves. They are conspicuously absent <BR>from Democratic voting rolls, but that goes to the Democrats' failure to <BR>address class. Ruy's point is that the
<BR>Dems have traded white workers for "suburbanites," and pocketbook class <BR>issues for their stands, such as they are, on things like choice, gun <BR>control, and
<BR>affirmative action. I think there's a lot to this, as could be gleaned <BR>from my posts.
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<BR>Ruy is pretty data-driven. I don't believe his results are biased by his <BR>preconceptions.</BLOCKQUOTE>
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<BR>Max:
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<BR>I think you misread what I said. I didn't suggest that either Piven or <BR>Cloward, on the one hand, or Teixeira, on the other hand, saw these <BR>respective groups as a vanguard. Rather, they see them as the target <BR>constituency which should be the object of outreach. Perhaps I should have <BR>been a little clearer on that count.
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<BR>Unlike you, I would not identify myself with either strategy en toto. I think <BR>that the Cloward-Piven focus on poor folks is primarily based on a flawed <BR>1960ish notion of 'the people'; witness all their work on poor peoples <BR>movements. It is, at best, a very incomplete notion of a left social base. <BR>But I also think that the old class v. identity problematic at the root of <BR>Teixeira's strategy is also rather limited -- not so much for its focus on <BR>economic 'class' issues, as for its negative approach to questions like <BR>choice, affirmative action, gay/lesbian rights and gun control. It sacrifices <BR>the broadly democratic aspect of left politics for a too narrow class focus. <BR>
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<BR>For what it is worth, I know all of the parties to the debate, having worked <BR>with them in NAM and DSA. From my own experience, they are all pretty decent <BR>folks, although I wouldn't claim to know any of them as well as Max knows Ruy.
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<BR>And I think we should always be suspicious of how research is shaped by <BR>political agendas. I am not suggesting some sort of crude determination, some <BR>sort of intellectual dishonesty, but the notion that anyone is simply "data <BR>driven," as if we don't start from selectivity frames on what data is <BR>significant or from interpretative frames on how to read data [just look at <BR>how different polling firms reached different results from the same data <BR>these past months], is just not sustainable, IMHO.
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<BR>Leo Casey
<BR>United Federation of Teachers
<BR>260 Park Avenue South
<BR>New York, New York 10010-7272 (212-598-6869)
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<BR>Power concedes nothing without a demand.
<BR>It never has, and it never will.
<BR>If there is no struggle, there is no progress.
<BR>Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet deprecate agitation are men who <BR>want crops without plowing the ground. They want rain without thunder and <BR>lightening. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its waters.
<BR><P ALIGN=CENTER>-- Frederick Douglass --
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