Empire: Hardt responds

Yoshie Furuhashi furuhashi.1 at osu.edu
Thu Feb 1 00:59:11 PST 2001



> > [Date: Sun, 28 Jan 2001 13:19:10 -0500 (EST)
>> From: Michael Hardt <hardt at duke.edu>
>>
>> I think it is important to view Empire or globalization as multifaceted
>> phenomena, which comprise a variety of processes and elements. My
>> position is that Empire is a negative development (it brings new, more
>> intense and more brutal forms of exploitation and domination, greater gap
>> between rich and poor and within national space, terrifying oppression
>> through military means and starvation, etc), but it is also simultaneously
>> a positive development in that it creates greater potential for
>> liberation.
>
>A month or so from now when I have my
>right wrist back I may want to comment
>more concretely on this thread. But for now
>I would point out that this banal division of
>an entity into good and bad aspects was at
>the core of the cretinism that provoked
>_Poverty of Philosophy_.It can initiate entertaining
>mind games but has zilch relevance to
>changing the world.
>
>Carrol

I hope we'll hear from you soon, Carrol. In the meantime, allow me to point to the following passage of relevance on the problem of dividing "an entity into good and bad aspects" from the article Jonathan Lassen posted here in a different thread:

***** Finally, before offering our political critique of the left-liberal consensus, it is useful to note the close parallels between our methodological critique and Rosa Luxemburg's critique of Bernstein's more original form of revisionism. Luxemburg notes, for example, how Bernstein takes certain (positive or negative) aspects of capitalism out of their class-exploitative, hence contradictory, structural context: Bernstein's theory does not seize these manifestations of contemporary economic life as they appear in their organic relationship with the whole of capitalist development, with the complete economic mechanism of capitalism. His theory pulls these details out of their living economic context. It treats them as the disjecta membra (separate parts) of a lifeless machine. (Luxemburg, 1970: 61) As a result, says Luxemburg, Bernstein's revisionism has a close affinity with the viewpoint of `the isolated capitalist [who] sees each organic part of the whole of our economy as an independent entity . . . as they act upon him, the single capitalist'. For, insofar as revisionism limits its analysis to an uncritical acceptance of `the economic facts . . . just as they appear when refracted by the laws of competition,' then `revisionism is nothing else than a theoretic generalization made from the angle of the isolated capitalist'. Luxemburg then argues that such an a-historical, non-holistic perspective necessarily `ends in utopia' because it is incapable of seeing how `the contradictions of capitalism mature'; indeed, like the isolated capitalist, revisionism `wants to lessen, to attenuate, the capitalist contradictions' (1970: 60-3).15 The similarity between Luxemburg's classical critique of revisionism and our critique of the left-liberal consensus on Japan becomes even clearer when we consider the political implications of the latter. As we shall see, because this consensus is based on an understanding of capitalism that also `pulls . . . details out of their living context,' views the economy `from the angle of the isolated capitalist,' and `is guided by the . . . possibility of the attenuation of the contradictions of capitalism,' it must also, like Bernstein's revisionism, `end in utopia'. (Paul Burkett and Martin Hart-Landsberg, "The Use and Abuse of Japan as a Progressive Model," _The Socialist Register_ 1996, at <http://www.yorku.ca/socreg/burkett-landsberg96.txt>) *****

Yoshie



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