Dear Senator Biden:
In the wake of the terrible events of September 11 in New York and Washington and rapid moves toward war since then, we write to ask that you hold immediate public hearings on the impending conflict and its diplomatic, military, security and economic implications.
We share with all Americans the horror and outrage provoked by these attacks. Yet we know that horror and outrage are poor guides to policy. Declarations of war by themselves cannot bring victory, let alone peace and security, back to the United States. Revenge as such is an unworthy national goal. Counter-attacks affecting mainly innocent civilians will be counter-productive. We cannot purge evil from the world, and we must not contribute to evil in poorly- conceived spasms of retaliation. We must instead seek effective means toward realistic ends: national defense, justice, physical and economic security, and sustainable peace.
While some of the most important questions are operational, we believe that even at this stage there are issues that can and must be raised in a public forum. These include:
*What do we know about the nature of the networks behind these attacks, and the experience of dealing with such networks in the past? What is the effective role of military action in this context? What are the appropriate roles of more effective intelligence work, police activities and internal security measures?
*How can the United States best restore domestic security? What new agencies, missions and actions are required? In this respect the recommendations of the U.S. Commission on National Security for the 21st Century, co-chaired by former Senators Gary Hart and Warren Rudman, are pertinent and deserve a wider hearing than they have received. What steps can be taken to improve our economic security and to reduce both our vulnerabilities and the sources of conflict?
*What are the premises underlying administration policy? Are they shared by our allies in this cause? What involvement will we seek and what support will our allies provide to actions we may take? What does the administration estimate to be the cost of their policy, and what economic policy measures do they anticipate to be required?
*What is the role of international authority in this crisis, particularly the United Nations Security Council and the General Assembly? How should this crisis reshape our commitment to the United Nations and to an effective framework of collective security?
*What are the nuclear dimensions of the threat facing us, including Iraq and Pakistan, and what steps can be taken to reduce these threats or to prevent them from emerging in future? We are very concerned that measures not destabilize Pakistan, placing that country's nuclear facilities in hostile hands. Has the administration taken this risk sufficiently into account?
* Finally, how can we best salvage some value from this tragedy, particularly closer cooperation with other nations, including Russia and China, in the fight against terrorism, in the struggle for control of weapons of mass destruction, and in the pursuit of peace?
In weighing these questions, the American nation has one unconquerable advantage: open government. We have the ability to judge the consequences of alternative courses of action before we take irreversible acts. We should not abandon this responsibility now. We face a long-term threat; we must respond to it deliberately and effectively; action is not required within a matter of days or weeks. Having suffered a crime against humanity, we need the continuing support of humanity as we go forward against individuals or states who may be implicated. There is thus no reason to defer automatically to the judgment of the most impatient and belligerent among us. You, as Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, are the steward of one of the most important venues for free and open discussions. We have listened to your voice in recent days with respect for your caution, common sense, and reasoned judgment. We ask that you take the lead in raising essential questions as soon as possible, for no doubt very trying days lie ahead.
Yours sincerely, Kate Cell, General Director On behalf of James K. Galbraith, Chair and Board Members of Economists Allied for Arms Reduction
Signatories: Trustees of the Board Oscar Arias*, President of the Arias Foundation for Peace and Human Progress Kenneth J. Arrow*, Stanford University William J. Baumol, Director, Starr Center for Applied Economics Barbara Bergmann, American University Walter Isard, Cornell University Lawrence R. Klein*, University of Pennsylvania Robert S. McNamara, former President, World Bank Franco Modigliani*, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Douglass C. North*,, Washington University Robert J. Schwartz, founding trustee Jacob Sheinkman, Amalgamated Bank of New York *Nobel Laureate Directors of the Board James K. Galbraith, Chair. University of Texas at Austin Jurgen Brauer, Vice Chair. Augusta State University Michael D. Intriligator, Vice Chair. Director, Burkle Center for International Relations Richard F. Kaufman, Vice Chair. Bethesda Research Institute John Tepper Marlin, Treasurer. Chief Economist, Office of the Comptroller of New York City Lloyd J. Dumas, University of Texas at Dallas Andrew S. C. Ehrenberg, South Bank Business School, London Dietrich Fischer, Pace University David Gold, Rutgers University Richard Jolly, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex Judith Reppy, Director of Peace Studies Center, Cornell University John Steinbruner, Director, Ctr. For International & Security Studies, University of MD Dorrie Weiss, UN NGO Committee on Disarmament