<HTML><FONT FACE=arial,helvetica><FONT SIZE=2>I have no desire to be engaged in a "let's run around the same block for
<BR>100th time" debate about Kosova. My point was simply this: if the idea is
<BR>that one should engage the strongest argument of the other side, as Seth
<BR>suggested earlier with respect to the numerous rantings of Jared Israel and
<BR>Louis Proyect, then it must go both ways.
<BR>
<BR>The strongest argument, made by the best proponents of intervention, took
<BR>this form:
<BR>
<BR>1. Military intervention in Kosova was required to stop what had become a
<BR>practice of serial ethnic cleansing which had gone for years throughout
<BR>Bosnia, with the killing, rape, torture and displacement of thousands upon
<BR>thousands for no other reason than their ethnicity.
<BR>
<BR>2. The proper form of intervention which would bring the ethnic cleansing in
<BR>Kosova to an end as quickly as possible with the minimum of harm was a
<BR>ground, military action.
<BR>
<BR>While the NATO bombing campaign did eventually bring an end to the ethnic
<BR>cleansing, it did so at an unnecessarily high cost in terms of lives and
<BR>property in Kosova. The choice to do an air campaign alone was made purely on
<BR>the basis of political calculations in Washington, London, Bonn, Ottawa and
<BR>elsewhere that their citizenry was not prepared to see the lives of their
<BR>soldiers lost, regardless of the justice of the cause. After all, the victims
<BR>of this ethnic cleansing were Moslems. It is quite logical that one could
<BR>have opposed that choice, and still seen the absolute necessity for military
<BR>intervention. Moreover, the use of depleted uranium bombs was entirely
<BR>without justification, even within the terms of a purely air war campaign.
<BR>
<BR>Now I know that it is a lot easier to impute an entirely different set of
<BR>arguments, one which portrays support for intervention not in terms of
<BR>conceiving of it as an indispensable step to end ethnic cleansing in the
<BR>former Yugoslavia, but as the embrace of imperialism, militarism and what
<BR>have you. Like it or not, that is not the reasoning which was employed by
<BR>serious folks. If you want left supporters of intervention to recognize that
<BR>were opponents who did not deny the sordid record of ethnic cleansing on
<BR>behalf of Milosevic and crew, then it is about time that you recognize that
<BR>there were supporters of intervention who called from ground action, not an
<BR>air war, and did not excuse, for a moment, the use of bombs with depleted
<BR>uranium. You can't expect respect, if you are also not prepared to extend it.
<BR>
<BR>That is all that I have to say about the subject at this time. I simply find
<BR>it inconceivable that I am about to convince anti-interventionists on this
<BR>list that intervention was a necessary step to end ethnic cleansing, or that
<BR>they are about to convince me that this was a crime of American imperialism.
<BR>
<BR>Leo Casey
<BR>United Federation of Teachers
<BR>260 Park Avenue South
<BR>New York, New York 10010-7272 (212-598-6869)
<BR>
<BR>Power concedes nothing without a demand.
<BR>It never has, and it never will.
<BR>If there is no struggle, there is no progress.
<BR>Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet deprecate agitation are men who
<BR>want crops without plowing the ground. They want rain without thunder and
<BR>lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its waters.
<BR><P ALIGN=CENTER>-- Frederick Douglass --
<BR></P></FONT></HTML>