<HTML><FONT FACE=arial,helvetica><FONT SIZE=2>Doug writes:
<BR><BLOCKQUOTE TYPE=CITE style="BORDER-LEFT: #0000ff 2px solid; MARGIN-LEFT: 5px; MARGIN-RIGHT: 0px; PADDING-LEFT: 5px">[Leo, is there some subtle victory here that's eluding me? "Before, we had
<BR>this kneejerk policy that didn't correspond to reality" - a classic!]
<BR>
<BR>Wall Street Journal - February 20, 2000
<BR>
<BR>For-Profit School Managers Discover Teacher Unions Can Be Unlikely Allies
<BR></BLOCKQUOTE>
<BR>
<BR>No victory, subtle or otherwise. Bottom line: as I read the NEA decision, it
<BR>is a "strategic retreat." But I am of the "Tell No Lies, Claim No Easy
<BR>Victories" school, so I would call a strategic retreat a strategic retreat.
<BR>
<BR>On general principles, no private for profit entity should have access to
<BR>public education, school operation funds. Education is a public good, and
<BR>public schools should be accountable to the public; public support for
<BR>education should not be diverted, in any way, to private hands. [You have to
<BR>purchase textbooks from private for profit companies, but this and similar
<BR>matters are really ancillary to the main educational function of schools, and
<BR>don't impact on the general principle.] Thus, I would argue that there is no
<BR>principled reason why public education could not include charter schools,
<BR>provided that they were run by not-for-profit entities and that there were
<BR>clear mechanisms of accountability to the public. This is not "kneejerk"
<BR>policy, in my book.
<BR>
<BR>But public education advocates, with teacher unions being the most prominent
<BR>organized presence in this camp, are not now in a strategic position to
<BR>ensure that those principles are a matter of law. The question is how do we
<BR>arrive at that point. That is a fairly complicated issue, and I could discuss
<BR>it at considerable length. A few points may provide some sense of the lay of
<BR>the land.
<BR>
<BR>The 'achilles heel' of public education lies in the failure to provide a
<BR>quality education to urban and rural schools serving poor and working class
<BR>communities and communities of color. A very significant and predominant
<BR>reason for this is the underfunding of such schools, but it is not the total
<BR>story. Until this disparity is addressed in a convincing way, the threat of
<BR>privatization will not completely disappear. This has to be a priority long
<BR>term strategic objective of public education advocates and teacher unions.
<BR>
<BR>At a different level, there is a compelling logic to a strategic approach
<BR>that focuses less on trying to establish a Maginot line against any private
<BR>management of failing schools where the balance of forces indicate that such
<BR>an approach is likely to be unsuccessful, and more on ensuring (1) that the
<BR>decision to go that route is one that the parents, teachers and local
<BR>community have ultimate control over, (2) that basic union and due process
<BR>protections remain in place and (3) that there are clear and strict
<BR>evaluation protocols and standards in place regarding the progress of the
<BR>school. Since for profits have, in general, a rather poor record of actual
<BR>progress on the educational front, and since most are very speculative
<BR>ventures which will soon fail of their own weight, the ultimate goal of
<BR>keeping them from establishing much of a beachhead in public education could
<BR>well be better served by this approach. You can see hints of this strategic
<BR>orientation between the lines of the WSJ article.
<BR>
<BR>For profits have a real economic problem in that the real money in public
<BR>education is in the suburban school districts, but they are now in no
<BR>position to break into those districts, so they are left trying to make a go
<BR>of it in the low revenue, high cost urban school districts. They are thus
<BR>going to face the same challenges that inner city schools do. And since they
<BR>have an extraordinary rate of staff turnover in a field where two of three
<BR>years of actual experience is required to become proficient, it is very hard
<BR>to see how they could accumulate the type of professional expertise they
<BR>would need to have much of an impact.
<BR>
<BR>In this regard, it is also important to distinguish between different for
<BR>profits. Edison is by far the most politically savvy of the bunch, and has
<BR>made a point of both making it clear that they are prepared to work out
<BR>ententes with teacher unions, and of making fairly sophisticated approaches
<BR>to communities of color -- they have not only Floyd Flake, former Democratic
<BR>congressman and African-American preacher on their staff, but also the former
<BR>Milwaukee Superintendent of Schools, Howard Fuller, one-time Marxist-Leninist
<BR>and pan-Africanist. They have been the most successful in terms of sheer
<BR>number of public schools they now manage, and have seen their stock soar
<BR>through the roof, although they are very much like an Amazon.com in that it
<BR>is unclear that they will ever make a profit. I think that a straight out war
<BR>of maneuver may work with other, lesser for profits, but that a war of
<BR>position is required to deal with Edison.
<BR>
<BR>The situation in NYC illustrates the complexity of the problem. Levy, the NYC
<BR>Chancellor, agreed to turn 5 failing schools into charter schools run by
<BR>Edison largely as part of a deal with Guiliani to keep him from pushing for
<BR>his more ambitious voucher plan. The state law, however, requires that 50%
<BR>plus 1 of all the parents in a public school vote to convert it to a charter
<BR>school, and all sorts of machinations have been going on to try to get that
<BR>vote. The most offensive of these is the clause in the contract that would
<BR>have the Board pay Edison half a million dollars to sell itself to the
<BR>parents in these schools. There is a lot of community resistance, led by
<BR>groups like ACORN and progressive politicians in the African-American and
<BR>Latino community. The UFT has a good relationship with these groups, and
<BR>decided that it was best that they take the lead, and the union support them
<BR>around issues like having a fair vote which really reflected their sentiment.
<BR>This was a sound approach, in my opinion, and has avoided the usual attempts
<BR>to make the union the issue. But in at least two of the five schools, parents
<BR>are facing a choice between having the school closed down and allowing it to
<BR>continue under Edison management. With this gun at their heads, it is hard to
<BR>know how they will go.
<BR>
<BR>Leo Casey
<BR>United Federation of Teachers
<BR>260 Park Avenue South
<BR>New York, New York 10010-7272 (212-598-6869)
<BR>
<BR>Power concedes nothing without a demand.
<BR>It never has, and it never will.
<BR>If there is no struggle, there is no progress.
<BR>Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet deprecate agitation are men who
<BR>want crops without plowing the ground. They want rain without thunder and
<BR>lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its waters.
<BR><P ALIGN=CENTER>-- Frederick Douglass --
<BR>
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