At first glance, it may seem all is quiet in the Communist Party. In fact, the passions are seething: at the last congress of the party, Gennady Zyuganov of all members of the central committee was severely criticized.
Appointment of a candidate from the united opposition at the next presidential elections is to become the grindstone for Zyuganov's influence and apparatus power.
Patriotic political consultants understand very well that Zyuganov will never win the presidential elections, no matter how many attempts he makes. At present, Zyuganov is facing a dilemma: to lose the remnants of his authority by participation in the presidential elections and losing them for a third time, or to lose the status of the Communist leader, refusing to become the candidate of the united opposition. In the second case, the party has a chance to win, but without Zyuganov.
There are younger and more energetic people in the opposition that Gennady Zyuganov, for instance, Duma Speaker Gennady Seleznev, though he seems to have lost his charisma together with the missed chance to take the position of the Moscow Region Governor.
Besides, lately the press has openly announced executive secretary of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia Gennady Semigin a favorite of the Kremlin. Vladislav surkov lobbies his interests in the presidential administration, and he has an image of a successful businessman, though no one in the Communist Party is able to explain where his money is from. People close to the Communist Party believe he pretends to be rich, while in fact he only manages the means he receives for each event.
Undoubtedly, Semigin is as convenient for the Kremlin as Zyuganov: he will never win the presidential elections.
It is suggested more often that some "red" governor was promoted as a candidate at the presidential elections. In fact, according to election experience in democratically developed countries, politicians who have successful gubernatorial experience have maximum chances to win presidential elections.
If scrutinize the possible candidatures, it becomes evident that there is no time for "advancing" the new governor. So, it is necessary to choose from those who already have a reputation of a federal scale figure.
Gennady Khodyrev headed the Gorky region in the Soviet times. In 1989 he had a conflict with Mikhail Gorbachev and became famous all over the country.
After 1991 Khodyrev was dismissed from the gubernatorial position but he did not leave the political arena: he twice won the parliamentary elections, and in Primakov's government was appointed as anti-monopoly minister. After dismissal from the minister, he again became a Duma deputy and squeezed through the law on reduction of non- ferrous metal exports - at the very last stage he overcame Putin's presidential veto. Why was he so audacious on the threshold of the gubernatorial elections in the Nizhny Novgorod? Khodyrev had very serious goals and he triumphally won the gubernatorial elections.
Moreover, a day after the elections, Khodyrev's wife Mrs. Teplyakova said in her interview that she plans to stand in the next gubernatorial elections in the region. Then, all considered it to be inexperience of the first lady of the region, as what would her husband do then? There are two ways: retirement or promotion. As is known, politicians do not retire at 62, and what promotion can satisfy the head of the third most significant region of the country? The chair of prime minister seems to be too small here....
Khodyrev's party associates noted his activity - now Khodyrev suspended his communist party membership - and in the party analytical documents the activities of the Nyzhny Novgorod governor and his spouse are described only negatively. Khodyrev is still popular among party activists, but the party nomenclature is rather cautious about him.
Moreover, at the additional elections to the Duma, the governor obviously supports notorious writer and national-Bolshevik Eduard Limonov. He seems to be purposely mocking the presidential administration. The governor knows perfectly well of the sharply negative attitude of the Kremlin towards Limonov, but still he supports him. If Limonov is elected, he is to be released from prison, where he is now with a rather dubious sentence.
The released prisoner will be constantly present in the Duma halls, he will write inquiries, and go to instances. All efforts of the state security bodies will fail. Moreover, the whole country will see that the power that seems to be so terrible, can be humiliated many times and no punishment may follow. Actually, it is one of the most effective election techniques for the opposition: such humiliations visibly reduce the authority of the power.
Apparently, at present, Khodyrev is more dangerous for Zyuganov than for Putin. The present Communist leader is doing his best not to allow Khodyrev to stand in the presidential elections as an official opposition candidate.
There are two more years before the elections, and many things may change within this time. The issue is that neither Putin nor Zyuganov will make any surprises, while Khodyrev can.... (Translated by Arina Yevtikhova )