The session was moderated by Andrew Kuchins, Director of the Russian and Eurasian Program at the Carnegie Endowment.
Heartened by his recent meetings in Washington, Aslakhanov began his remarks
by noting U.S. government officials' "great knowledge of events and sincere willingness to understand the situation on the ground."
Terming the second Chechen campaign as a "military quagmire," Aslakhanov emphasized that fault lay with both sides. Established deadlines have not been met and massive human rights violations of residents of Chechnya continue, with the most pacific of the population suffering the most. He went on to mention Russian President Vladimir Putin's public condemnation of "zachistiki," Russian military security sweeps in Chechen villages, as well as General Vladimir Moltenskoi's "Order 80" through the Federal Security Service. Yet, on many mornings, young Chechen men continue to disappear at the hands of Russian soldiers; meanwhile, Chechen bandit operations persist.
To Aslakhanov, both of these phenomena seem inextricably linked and somewhat
removed from the desire for Chechen independence. Aslakhanov argued that after the first Chechen campaign in 1994, people have ceased fighting about independence, instead fighting for power, oil, money, and vengeance of family loss. He opined that only specialized counter-terrorism units are suited to address these causes of conflict and should be deployed. Later in the question and answer session, he proposed that in devising policy, legislators must take measures to hear the views of those "balanced" individuals seeking
independence for Chechnya while separating out the din of bandits "who don't
[ever] want a peaceful life."
For the most part, Aslakhanov believes that Chechens want "peace, reform and
[a] professional education." Since 1991, when Dzhokhar Dudayev was elected president of Chechnya, the region has, according to Aslakhanov, entered the "Stone Age" with respect to health and education. The number of invalids has
increased because of the war and children have little access to formal education although they have managed to learn to "assemble and disassemble a
machine gun in their sleep." Aslakhanov called for "physical and psychological" rehabilitation for the region.
Addressing education more deeply, Aslakhanov pointed to Chechnya's acute need for more professionals, specifically engineers, teachers and market specialists. He proposed to fill this need by sending residents of Chechnya to other parts of Russia and to other countries even, without requiring them
to pass prohibitive entrance exams. Commenting on the Partnership for Freedom program that has thus far enabled 45,000 Russians to study in the United States, Aslakhanov pointed out the injustice that those 45,000 do not include any Chechens. With this example, he asked that American institutions of higher education lend a "helping hand" in educating Chechens.
Aslakhanov affirmed Putin's sincerity to improve the political situation in Chechnya by referring to impassioned statements that the Russian president made at a press conference last month about how the people of Chechnya have endured a betrayal by their national government. He also mentioned his own past pleas to Duma legislators to work towards dispelling the myth that all Chechens are "fanatical militants with green headbands whose sole purpose is
to exterminate Russians."
Somewhat pessimistically, though, Aslakhanov described as amounting to "good
wishes" Putin's move to strengthen human rights law and to monitor Russia's military machine in Chechnya. The challenge, according to Aslakhanov, lies in the cursory briefings Putin receives from generals who have visited Chechnya. He urged the government to lengthen military assignments in the region and to listen to residents who inevitably possess a rich knowledge of the political
situation there.
During the question and answer period, the first question concerned the potential for negotiations between the Russian government and Chechen President Aslan Maskhadov. Aslakhanov argued that scores of people, ranging from senior military officials to politicians to citizens, oppose negotiations with the Chechen government. Putin himself doubts that Maskhadov controls Chechen resistance; thus, he has misgivings about the effectiveness
of negotiations. However, in mid-July, Putin made a statement indicating the
desire to establish dialogue. Aslakhanov further explained the mindset concerning negotiations on either side. The government of Russia believes Chechnya should lay down arms before negotiations can take place, while that
of Chechnya believes that the government of Russia should remove its military presence.
The next question followed up on the first, inquiring about reconstruction possibilities without negotiations. Aslakhanov proposed that four to eight ideologically committed supporters of Maskhadov, concerned more about the conditions within Chechnya rather than its legal status, should meet with a similar number of Russian representatives in neutral territory to construct a referendum and move towards socio-economic reconstruction.
The third question concerned specifics of Order 80 by General Moltenskoi. Aslakhanov maintained that the order does not aim to end the military sweeps, but instead attempts to regulate them by verifying passports against a list of known bandits and identifying vehicles of militant Chechens. To curb the human rights abuses, he then calls for deeper investigations of facts and a longer length of stay for Russian officers.
The final question raised the possibility that the economic crisis in the region motivates using war as a tool for generating wealth. Aslakhanov half agreed: the profits from oil have played a critical role, yet the conflict brewed long before the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Aslakhanov concluded his remarks by assuring the audience that he would convey to his colleagues the genuine interest he encountered in Washington regarding the Chechen political situation.
Summary by Pavani Reddy, Junior Fellow