The New York Times October 15, 2002
Still Living Dangerously
By PAUL KRUGMAN
A smart terrorist understands that he is not engaged in conventional
warfare. Instead he kills to call attention to his cause, to
radicalize moderates, to disrupt the lives and livelihoods of those
who would prefer not to be involved, to provoke his opponents into
actions that drive more people into his camp.
In case you haven't noticed, the people running Al Qaeda are smart.
Saturday's bombing in Bali, presumably carried out by a group
connected to Al Qaeda, was monstrously evil. It was also, I'm sorry to
say, very clever. And it reinforces the sinking feeling that our
leaders, who seem determined to have themselves a conventional war,
are playing right into the terrorists' hands.
Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim country, has not been a
major breeding ground for terrorists. It is, however, a nation with
severe economic, social and political problems the kind of problems
that could radicalize the population and turn it into a terrorist
asset. And Saturday's bombing was clearly an attempt to intensify
those problems.
To understand why the attack was so clever, you need to appreciate
Indonesia's fragility. Five years ago the country became the biggest
victim of the Asian financial crisis. When inflows of foreign capital
dried up, the economy's modern core imploded; big companies that had
borrowed overseas found that their debts had ballooned to unpayable
levels.
What saved Indonesia from complete economic collapse, and made a
partial recovery possible, was the resilience of the country's
economic and geographical periphery. The big companies on Java were
devastated by the plunge in the rupiah, but smaller enterprises,
especially on the other islands, saw the weak currency as an export
opportunity. That included, in particular, the tourist industry of
Bali, which has flourished in post-crisis Indonesia as an affordable
destination for foreigners.
Now who will vacation on Bali? Indonesian officials are putting a
brave face on it, assuring tourists that they are still safe,
insisting that the economy can handle the blow. But it seems all too
likely that the bombing has effectively destroyed one of the country's
key industries. And given the already wobbly economy and the already
weak authority of the government, a serious setback might set the
stage for social and political turmoil maybe with an ethnic and
religious edge. For Indonesia is an overwhelmingly Muslim country in
which a small ethnic Chinese minority, mainly Buddhist or Christian,
dominates the economy.
In short, the people who set off that bomb knew what they were doing.
The bomb blast in Bali followed bad news from the world's
second-most-populous Muslim country. Hard-line Islamic parties did
unexpectedly well in Pakistan's election last week, and Pervez
Musharraf's hold on power may be slipping. Do I need to point out that
Pakistan is a lot bigger than Iraq, and already has nuclear weapons?
And that gets to my worries over the direction of U.S. policy. I don't
think we could have done anything to prevent the blast in Bali but the
attack does suggest that our early military success in Afghanistan has
done little to weaken terrorist capabilities. It's not clear whether
the U.S. could have done anything to improve the situation in
Pakistan, though it might have helped if we had done a better job in
Afghanistan, both in pursuing our foes and in helping our friends; it
might also have helped if the administration had made good on its
promise to let Pakistan increase its textile exports to the U.S. .
What's clear is that the biggest terrorist threat we face is that one
or more big Muslim countries will be radicalized. And yet that's a
threat hawks advising the administration don't seem to take seriously.
The administration adviser Richard Perle, quoted by Josh Marshall in
The Washington Monthly, brushes off concerns that an invasion of Iraq
might undermine the stability of Middle Eastern regimes: "Mubarak is
no great shakes. Surely we can do better. . . ."
Meanwhile, plans to invade Iraq proceed. The administration has
offered many different explanations, some of them mutually
contradictory, for its determination to occupy Baghdad. I think it's
like the man who looks for his keys on the sidewalk, even though he
dropped them in a nearby alley, because he can see better under the
streetlight. These guys want to fight a conventional war; since Al
Qaeda won't oblige, they'll attack someone else who will. And watching
from the alley, the terrorists are pleased.
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