These are not independent of one another. If you cannot continue your way of life anymore, then you are forced, one way or another, to take on board the transition costs to a different way of life. This is warmed-over Skocpol, anyway - why not just present her original argument (in simplified form)?
A structural crisis of the state plus a blocking coalition among ruling elites preventing a revolution from above gives you a political revolution.
If, in addition, you have structures of peasant cooperation that lower the costs of collective action, you get a social revolution, not just a political revolution.
"Not being able to continue your way of life anymore" is the local consequence of the first two conditions. The third condition is, essentially, that pre-existing structures of cooperation lower costs of transition to radically new forms of life.
So where does that leave us? (1) Skocpol has no cases of social revolutions where a class other than the peasantry takes a leading role. Since the U.S. doesn't have a substantial peasantry, what class is going to take its place? (2) If we can identify that class, how do we foster the structures of cooperation BEFORE the emergence of a revolutionary situation that will make that class more able to act in a revolutionary situation?