Tuesday, May 13, 2003
Communalising Kerala
By K.N. Panikkar
A transition from the communitarian to the communal has been taking place, slowly but steadily.
ANOTHER BASTION is falling. Kerala known for its relatively harmonious communal relations has lately witnessed quite a few clashes between members of different communities. In Nadapuram, Panur, Taikal and Pathanamthitta.
The latest is in Marad, a coastal village near Kozhikode, in which nine persons were brutally killed and several injured on May 3. It was not a communal riot in the generally accepted sense, in which the members of two communities violently engage with each other, in most cases spontaneously, due to some immediate provocation. In Marad, it was a sudden attack by a group of people well armed and well organized who, if the police are to be believed, carried out the operation in one sweep in less than 15 minutes. Marad has fallen victim to communal fury for a second time. In January last year the members of two communities had clashed, the reason for which is not entirely known. It is believed that inter-communal tension grew out of a New Year day function. Five persons were killed, about 100 houses were destroyed and several boats on fire. Many in the predominantly fishing community in the village lost their means of livelihood. It aroused considerable indignation and concern, especially among social activists and the intelligentsia, who took several initiatives to bring about communal harmony. The Government also intervened, particularly in the field of rehabilitation. Yet, they did not have the desired effect, as evident from the repetition of the brutality, which many believe has its roots in the first incident. This is because the efforts to bring about communal harmony did not address the basic issue, namely, the communalisation of Kerala society, particularly after the demolition of the Babri Masjid, an important marker in the social consciousness of both the Muslim minority and the Hindu
majority.
During the last couple of decades, the activity and influence of communal formations have considerably increased in Kerala. According to the data published by the Organiser in its issue of March 25, 2001, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh runs 4300 `shakas' and `upasakhas' in Kerala. The increase in numbers thereafter is not known. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad has now established its organisational set up in almost all parts of the state. Recently, it undertook the distribution of tridents, as a part of the effort to use religious symbols for mobilisation and to create self-confidence rooted in religious identity. There are a couple of newspapers and quite a few periodicals which generally serve the Hindu communal cause. Saraswati Shishu Mandirs and such other schools serve as recruiting grounds of unsuspecting young children. There are innumerable cultural organisations, promoting and disseminating communal ideas in the guise of patronising literature, theatre, traditional arts and science or the renovation of village temples. Their activities have led to the emergence of a cultural right in Kerala, which receives legitimacy from intellectuals who claim to be independent. The intervention of these institutions has made a qualitative change in the consciousness and outlook of a fairly large number of Hindus. A fundamentalist shift has taken place.
A similar tendency has developed among the Muslims as well. After the demolition of the Babri Masjid, a section of the Muslim youth felt rather restive and dissatisfied with the pacifist stand taken by the existing political and social formations. They rallied around more militant outfits such as the Islamic Service Society and the National Development Front. There are also several other fundamentalist groups, active in different fields of social life. The following of the fundamentalist- militant organisations has been steadily on the increase for quite some time. The reformist forces among the Muslims have not been able check this.
The incident in Marad indicates that communalism has arrived in Kerala. It is a proof that the stage of proto-communalism, which had a long period of incubation, is over. During this phase, a sense of religious division had slowly emerged, socially articulated through organised religiosity. The organisations of different religions vie with each other to bring the faith of the believer to the streets. The religious practices have now spilled over from the domestic and sacred spaces to the public space, eliminating in the process the distinction between religious beliefs and religiosity. Religious processions in which women and children participate carrying religious symbols is a familiar sight in almost all parts of Kerala. The street processions have become common for festivals of all religious denominations. This was unknown about 20 years back, but now conducted with the support of social organisations and the blessings of public figures. Like `raksha bandan', which was never a part of the cultural tradition of Kerala, almost every upper caste practice has now become a common Hindu religious public celebration. The participation in publicly organised religious functions is a source of psychological satisfaction and creates a sense of solidarity. Kerala is now besieged by godmen and women, widely patronised by political leaders, giving legitimacy to the superstitions surrounding them. The spiritual retreats managed by them are many, which attract the crisis-ridden middle class as a source of solace, if not as a means of escape from the pressures of `globalised' life. The resulting social hegemony of religious discourse legitimises religious social division. Consequently, the Hindus, the Muslims and the Christians have emerged as separate entities, not only in their personal and domestic lives, but also in social existence. As a consequence, a transition from the communitarian to the communal has been taking place, slowly but steadily. Marad is an example of that transition, which is occurring in many parts of Kerala.
The communal idea is thus well embedded in society. The social base of all secular parties has been eroded and a fairly large section of the population has become ideologically communal, even if not politically so. It is because communalism has not yet become a political alternative in the State. When it does, a reconfiguration of the electoral base of several political parties is on the cards. The Marad incident is likely to hasten this process, as every communal riot widens the social distance between communities and enhances mutual hostility.
The demographic pattern of Kerala characterised by the interspersed distribution of the members of religious denominations is both strength and weakness. It tends to promote secular consciousness by creating a shared common space in daily life. But at the same time it could engender greater violence at the time of communal conflict. Therefore the communalisation of Kerala can spell much greater disaster than in other parts of the country. In Marad, where Hindus and Muslims are evenly distributed and live together, an atmosphere of fear and suspicion has gripped the minds of people. Many, it is reported, afraid of further violence, have deserted their localities. The ghettoisation, which might follow, would intensify communal hostility. When communal violence takes place the strong and decisive intervention of the state is crucial for its suppression. The district authorities have promised impartial and immediate action. A judicial enquiry also has been ordered. While they are all important in themselves in punishing the guilty, which should be done expeditiously, efforts are urgently needed to reverse the process of communalisation. Since the hitherto followed methods of speeches, demonstrations and cultural events have not been effective enough, it is time to explore other means. A possible alternative is grassroot-level interventions for fostering secular consciousness rather than working only for communal harmony. Communal harmony after all cannot be a reality without secular social consciousness.
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