This is the standard silliness of rhetoric-- I can never tell if people are being deliberately dishonest in their rhetoric, or are actually ignorant of such things as the filibuster. Striker replacement legislation passed the House and had majority support in the Senate, but was defeated by GOP filibusters. So there was no "control" there.
Despite that, there was a marked improvement in the NLRB and some important inroads--
Clinton by Executive Orders (see http://clinton4.nara.gov/WH/Accomplishments/working_families.html) * issued an Executive Order prohibiting federal agencies from doing business with employers that permanently replace striking workers. (The rightwing 10th Circuit Court of Appeals struck it down as preempted by the NLRA). * rescinded Bush I executive orders that continued to punish air traffic controllers who went on strike * allowed pre-hire (PLA) agreements on federal construction projects * ended Bush I anti-union information mandates (Beck postings) * signed order prohibiting federal agencies from buying goods made with forced or indentured child labor.
Legislatively * Signed the Family & Medical Leave Act * Signed Hatch Act Reform into law to allow federal employees to be more active in political process * ratified the International Labor Organization's Convention on the Elimination of Child Labor * Signed minimum wage increase from $4.25 to $5.15 per hour, increasing wages for 10 million workers. Pushed for $6.15 per hour increase.
Maybe you should read this description of Democratic efforts to push labor law reform over the years: http://www.nilrr.org/RTWwinningissue.htm
", the Big Labor sweep of the 1964 elections finally provided the union bosses with an apparent opportunity to wipe out Section 14(b) and nullify all state Right to Work laws.
The 14(b) Repeal Bill passed the U.S. House in July 1965 by a narrow 221-203 margin as public opposition, led by the then-decade-old National Right to Work Committee, began to mobilize.
In the Senate, union lobbyists needed a two-thirds majority of those present and voting due to a filibuster initiated by Minority Leader Everett Dirksen (R-Ill.). Although a majority of senators voted for two of the three cloture motions designed to ram through 14(b) repeal, Big Labor allies never succeeded in breaking the filibuster sustained by Dirksen and other pro-Right to Work senators in the fall of 1965 and the winter of 1966."
"The so-called "Common Situs Picketing" Bill for which union lobbyists waged war between 1975 and 1977 would have authorized building-trades union bosses to shut down construction projects involving dozens of contractors until every employer agreed to use union workers only.
Its practical effect would have been to corral millions of independent workers into unions.
On July 25, 1975, a 230-178 majority of House members, including dozens of freshmen who had no personal knowledge of the 14(b) repeal battle and its electoral aftermath, voted for Big Labor's "common situs" scheme.
Then, in mid-November, after nearly two weeks of extended debate, union-label politicians mustered 62 votes (as a result of a rule change, only 60 were needed) to break a Right to Work filibuster and send "common situs" to President Gerald Ford's desk.
Although the President had earlier committed himself to signing this bill, intense lobbying by members of the National Right to Work Committee and other groups changed his mind. On January 2, 1976, Ford vetoed "common situs," effectively killing it."
"the so-called Labor Law "Reform" Bill that was soon introduced by Carter allies in Congress would have imposed harsh new penalties on employers who resisted the forced unionization of their employees. But this "backdoor" approach did temporarily work as a political strategy.
Dozens of House members who, fearing a constituent backlash, had voted against "common situs" in March 1977 helped labor law "reform" nail down a 257-163 victory on October 6, scarcely more than six months later.
In the spring of 1978, Senate Democratic leaders who were determined to deliver for Big Labor by sending this bill to Jimmy Carter's desk put the chamber through 19 days of grueling extended debate and filed a record six cloture motions to break a Right to Work filibuster. But in the end they came up just two votes short of the 60 needed to shut down the debate and pass the power grab."