[lbo-talk] ADL Courts More Far-Rightists

Chip Berlet cberlet at igc.org
Tue Sep 23 17:29:49 PDT 2003


Hey Brad:

This type of juvenile personal attack says far more about you than it says about me.

-Chip

-----Original Message-----

From: Brad Mayer [mailto:bradley.mayer at sun.com]

Sent: Tue 9/23/2003 7:15 PM

To: lbo-talk at lbo-talk.org

Cc:

Subject: [lbo-talk] ADL Courts More Far-Rightists

Well like I said: Buffalo Chip's ADL buddies cozy up to the ghost of Mussolini.

Or is that Sharon? Hey, but at least they're 'not as bad' as Saddam!

NY Times, Sept. 23, 2003

A Shocking Award to Berlusconi (2 Letters)

To the Editor:

Re "Jewish Group to Honor Friend It Calls 'Flawed' " (news article,

Sept. 19):

On Tuesday, the Anti-Defamation League plans to hold a dinner for Prime

Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy to present him with its

Distinguished Statesman Award. This is shocking to anyone who knows Mr.

Berlusconi's controversial history.

Most recently, Mr. Berlusconi was in the news for his comments about

Benito Mussolini. "That was a much more benign dictatorship," Mr.

Berlusconi was quoted as saying. "Mussolini did not murder anyone.

Mussolini sent people on holiday to internal exile."

This is not true; Mussolini was responsible for the deaths of many

political opponents, Partisans and Jews. He persecuted Jews with his

racial laws and, during World War II, was responsible for the

deportation of almost 7,000 Jews, who died in Nazi camps.

Mr. Berlusconi has apologized to Italian Jews for his statements. This

is not enough; he has not apologized to Italians generally.

Apparently, the A.D.L. is giving Mr. Berlusconi its award because of his

support of Israel and of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. But support of

Israel should not be sufficient. In this case, it is bad for the Jews,

bad for Italy, bad for the United States and even bad for Israel.

FRANCO MODIGLIANI

PAUL A. SAMUELSON

ROBERT M. SOLOW

Cambridge, Mass., Sept. 22, 2003

The writers, emeritus professors at M.I.T., are Nobel laureates in

economics. The letter was also signed by four other professors at M.I.T.

and Harvard.

To the Editor:

Re "Jewish Group to Honor Friend It Calls 'Flawed' " (news article,

Sept. 19):

Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy met in Rome on Wednesday with

representatives of the Jewish community. He apologized for his comment

that Benito Mussolini was a benign dictator and expressed regret for the

pain it caused the Jewish community. His apology was accepted.

KENNETH JACOBSON

Associate National Director

Anti-Defamation League

New York, Sept. 19, 2003

===

NY Review of Books, Volume 50, Number 15 · October 9, 2003

Review

Italy: The Family Business

By Alexander Stille

Italy and Its Discontents: Family, Civil Society, State, 1980-2001

by Paul Ginsborg

Palgrave Macmillan, 521 pp., $35.00

"The Patrimonial Ambitions of Silvio B"

by Paul Ginsborg

New Left Review 21, May–June 2003

The Dark Heart of Italy: Travels Through Time and Space Across Italy

by Tobias Jones

London: Faber and Faber, 266 pp., £16.99

A revised edition will be published in the US by Farrar, Straus and

Giroux in June 2004.

1.

On January 26, 1994, Silvio Berlusconi —the country's richest man, owner

of a vast real estate, publishing, financial, and media empire—appeared

simultaneously on the three private TV networks he owns and announced

that he was founding a new political party and running for prime

minister. Berlusconi's sudden appearance in the living rooms of most

Italians, commandeering the airwaves for what sounded like a

presidential address, created the bizarre sensation that he was somehow

already prime minister even though the campaign was just beginning. It

began to seem inevitable that he would be elected, and he was.

Instead of creating a million jobs as he promised in his first campaign

for prime minister, Berlusconi seemed more interested in taking over the

state broadcasting system. As evidence of systematic bribery of

officials and political payoffs by some of his companies emerged,

Berlusconi began to dedicate much of his energies to trying to derail an

investigation into his corrupt practices, including paying off judges in

a civil case involving a corporate takeover. His fractious coalition

fell apart; he was indicted on bribery charges and his government fell

after only eight months.

Although he had to wait more than six years to return as prime minister,

Berlusconi was not really out of power. His party, Forza Italia (Go,

Italy!), a name taken from the soccer slogan chanted at Italy's national

soccer games, remained the largest party in parliament and he has

continued to expand his power base, protecting his monopoly of

television, weakening the Italian judiciary, and remaining Italy's most

visible, audible, and powerful politician, not least by personally

employing thousands of Italians who help him achieve his political

ambitions.

For example, fifty deputies elected to parliament on Berlusconi's

original Forza Italia list in 1994 worked for his advertising company,

Publitalia, while dozens of others were employed by other Berlusconi

companies or owed their livelihood to him in one way or another, working

as lawyers, consultants, television stars, or journalists, or holding

contracts as contributors to his vast network of newspapers, magazines,

and TV stations. Those of Berlusconi's associates who were at greatest

risk of winding up in jail in the various investigations into his

business dealings were elected to parliament so that they could enjoy

immunity from arrest. Few of them, busy with their outside jobs,

bothered to show up at the meetings of the national assembly—until their

trials began, at which point they claimed they needed to attend every

session of parliament as a way of dragging out court proceedings by years.

In his first government, Berlusconi appointed as minister of the budget

Giulio Tremonti, his own corporate tax attorney, who drafted a law that

gave Berlusconi's companies a tax write-off of 250 billion lire (then

about $150 million). The law was supposedly designed to encourage new

investment, but Berlusconi's company Fininvest—now called

Mediaset—simply shifted its assets from one Berlusconi company to

another. When the write-off was challenged, Tremonti insisted that it

was entirely consistent with the law he had written.

All these people, in a country in which being a member of parliament is

itself an extremely lucrative sinecure, are acutely aware of owing their

good fortune to the generosity and power of the supreme leader. "To

personalize the [2001] campaign Berlusconi insisted that his should be

the only face on Forza Italia's" campaign posters, Paul Ginsborg writes

in his excellent new book, Italy and Its Discontents:

"His face was everywhere—on huge roadside posters, in the atriums of

railway stations, on election bunting running down whole streets, as in

the popular quarters of Naples. Forza Italia candidates were instructed

not to put their own faces on posters, but always that of their leader.

This was a radical change for a country which, after the fall of

Fascism, had a fragmented political system in which the country's

several parties mattered more than personalities."

full: http://www.nybooks.com/articles/16596

--

--

/**********************************************************************/

Brad Mayer

___________________________________

http://mailman.lbo-talk.org/mailman/listinfo/lbo-talk

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