[lbo-talk] Commentary: Why the Kremlin doesn't care

Chris Doss lookoverhere1 at yahoo.com
Thu Oct 14 01:52:00 PDT 2004


Commentary: Why the Kremlin doesn't care By Peter Lavelle Published on October 13, 2004 This article was written for UPI - United Press International

MOSCOW, Oct. 12 (UPI) -- Ever since Russian President Vladimir Putin announced "political reforms" that mandate the Kremliin's appointment of regional governors and other changes to the political order, most of the West has given Russia a cold shoulder.

Claiming Russia is backsliding in the important area of democratic development, the West sees Putin as a major disappointment. Putin does not like bad press. The Kremlin has presented half-hearted explanations behind Putin's decisions, but in the end none have been all that convincing. This should not surprise anyone -- Vladimir Putin, in the end, really doesn't care what the West thinks about his country's domestic affairs.

Judging by what Western media has to say about Putin's Russia, it would appear Putin and his country's future are in a cul-de-sac. There has been an enormous outpouring of sympathy for the victims of the Beslan school hostage tragedy. But this sentiment has been matched with disdain surrounding Putin's decision to appoint regional governors and abolish single-seat mandates to Russia's lower house of Parliament.

Putin claims his "political reforms" are necessary to protect national security and fight international terrorism. He very well may believe this, but most of world does not understand or agree with his logic. The outside perception of Russia is the more Putin attempts to assure security and order at home, the more authoritarian his rule becomes. This may be true, but does he really care what the outside world thinks?

The Russian president is brutally pragmatic. He also makes few promises. After almost five years in power, Putin has demonstrated that he will go to great lengths in pursuit of national interests -- irrespective of international opinion. When the world agrees with Russia, Putin is delighted. When the world disagrees, Putin becomes perturbed -- but undeterred. Vladimir Putin has his own playbook for Russia that has little to do with Western expectations.

At the moment, the West's disappointment with Putin is equal to Putin's disappointment with the West. Putin has never claimed that he intends to import Western institutions and values to Russia. His priorities are of a completely different order -- all very transparent.

Putin's agenda is quite simple. Reform the economy to promote sustained growth and confront the enormous poverty that came about with the Soviet collapse in 1991. Place the Kremlin at the center of a "commanding heights" economic strategy. Significantly reduce the power and influence of the "oligarchs" in politics and the economy. Secure for the state Russia's vast energy production -- as is the case in most energy exporting countries.

There also has been a relentless pursuit of "vertical power" to strengthen the country's sovereignty and, we are told, security. Lastly, Putin has sought to return to Russia international prestige and respect.


>From the Kremlin's perspective, progress has been made
in all these areas. The only policy area where the Kremlin can't claim much success since 1999 is its inability to end the on-going crisis in Chechnya.

Close examination of Putin's agenda reveals that democracy and civil society -- as understood in the West -- are missing or of minor significance. Lip service is paid to both, but the state has done little to support either. However, considering how the Kremlin has used the entire state apparatus against the oil company Yukos and its core shareholders, it has had a relatively benign approach to society.

What many in the West call Putin's anti-democratic tendencies, may in fact be his indifference to democracy. He simply doesn't see its importance in the larger scheme of his reform project for Russia. And, given the past five years, the West should not expect Putin to make any concession to its political values or institutions when it comes to Russia's domestic affairs.

The West needs to get past its expectations for Russia. Russia has chosen its own path of development with a leader who is genuinely very popular. Accepting the situation will also lessen future disappointments in regards Russia's domestic political order. There is so much more at stake.

Giving Russia the cold shoulder at this time is counter-productive. At the end of the day, the Kremlin will react with indifference. This reaction is the last thing the West and Russia need to collectively confront international terrorism and secure a long-term energy relationship that is mutually beneficial.

Putin's recent political reforms should also finally put to rest some political issues and illusions that have divided Russia and the West for the past decade. The West should finally recognize that Russia is not going to become like it any time soon. In the meantime, focus should be given to what unites Russia and the West. In this very dangerous world, it would be an unpardonable error if Russia and the West were to overlook what they have in common.

===== Nu, zayats, pogodi!

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