Incidentally, the Financial Times managed to climb atop a mound of bodies of dead children to trumpet its deranged political line in one of the most ethically revolting editorials that I have ever read.
Financial Times (UK) September 3, 2004 Editorial Putin punished by Chechen terror
The Chechen terrorists who have seized a school in southern Russia and threatened to kill hundreds of hostages are to be condemned unequivocally. Whatever the merits of the cause, any attack on civilians, especially children, is an outrage.
But Vladimir Putin, Russian president, bears a heavy responsibility for driving the Chechens into a corner in which they see terrorism as their only hope. Five years ago, Mr Putin decided to deal with Chechnya by military force and has stuck with his decision. After four years of fighting, Russia has regained Grozny, the Chechen capital, fragmented the rebel groups and undermined Aslan Maskhadov, their leader. But having lost ground at home, the Chechens have taken the fight to the Russians.
The only escape from the violence is political dialogue. With all the blood spilt on both sides, this is now far more difficult than five years ago. The Kremlin will struggle to find credible inter-locutors. But it must try.
The international community might play a modest role. Moscow this week asked the United Nations Security Council to condemn the terrorists - an unusual move for a government that insists that Chechnya is a domestic issue. The Kremlin was not requesting outside assistance but its appeal suggests it might possibly be open to offers. Western officials should take up the suggestion, albeit very cautiously to avoid embarrassing Moscow.
But such efforts should not be invested with too much hope. Having committed himself so firmly to force, Mr Putin will find it hard to compromise with the separatists. And he will be under little domestic pressure to do so. Voters have supported his tough line on Chechnya. Indeed, they backed him precisely because they saw in him a strong man who could impose order after the chaotic rule of Boris Yeltsin.
The limits of Mr Putin's strength are now being tested. The question is not whether he has the resolve to apply more force. Almost certainly, he has. The issue is whether he has the political intelligence to realise brute force has exacerbated his difficulties.
Mr Putin's overall approach to power raises similar questions. Through the combined strength of the Kremlin and the security forces, he has subdued opposition from politicians, provincial governors, journalists and oligarchs, notably Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the jailed Yukos magnate. The president has very effectively bullied his enemies into submission.
He now looks strong. But, like any bully, he might be vulnerable to dissent from his own gang. There are indeed signs of divisions in the Kremlin, particularly over the Yukos affair, which has dragged on far too long for Russia's good.
Do these delays reflect arguments over policy or a share of the spoils or both? Can Mr Putin discipline the warring factions? It is too early to tell. But when the answers emerge, so will the real extent of Mr Putin's power.
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