Wednesday, January 19, 2005
VIEW: Remembering Zhao Ziyang —Bao Tong
Zhao pointed out to the Politburo that the sentiments expressed by the students and residents in their commemoration of Hu, in their protests against corruption, and their desire for democracy were really the same sentiments that they themselves held. He believed that it should be possible to resolve the student protests and respect the principles of democracy and the rule of law
The conditions under which Zhao Ziyang lived at the time of his death, in utter isolation from Chinese society due to an illegally-imposed 16-year house arrest, were a shame for both Chinese justice and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
Zhao’s persecution was the persecution of a leader who dedicated himself for over a decade to groundbreaking efforts that became the foundations of China’s economic reform. Chinese peasants lost their right to own land owing to collectivisation and the establishment of the People’s Commune. It is a right they have never regained. Zhao, was the first in the late 1970s to advocate giving autonomy back to the peasants and so initiated the first pilot tests to abolish the People’s Commune.
Chinese industry had been transformed into subsidiaries of government through nationalisation and central planning. Zhao was the first to propose “expanded autonomy for Chinese enterprises” and “restoration of a healthy relationship between government and industry.” Expanded autonomy for enterprises and the peasantry were critical first steps whose success led eventually to full-blown economic reform.
These were among the many incremental victories Zhao won to help China’s people break out of the suffocating stagnation of Maoist socialism. As China’s premier, Zhao implemented ten years of economic reforms that brought steady progress in which the people, especially the peasantry, enjoyed tangible improvements.
But Zhao was also the only CCP leader to propose a political reform package to tackle China’s system of one-party rule. The Party’s unchallenged monopoly on political power systematically ensured that every mistake it made — such as the dreadful decade of the Cultural Revolution — turned into a prolonged nationwide crisis.
For genuine and long-term stability, Zhao proposed reforms that ultimately aimed at the legalisation and systemisation of democracy. He wished to establish the kind of democratic politics that could support and nurture a healthy market economy. Although the short-term practical objectives of Zhao’s political reforms were limited by the circumstances in which they were proposed, the measures all aimed at containing Communist Party power and represented concrete steps towards returning, peacefully, power to China’s people. Zhao’s package — a sharp break with Mao’s totalitarianism — was approved by the 13th Party Congress, officially the highest authority within the CCP.
During his twenty months as CCP general secretary, Zhao created a culture in which the Politburo refrained from interfering in the courts, and he stopped its attempts to control literature and the arts. Zhao abolished the policy of enterprises being run by Party organisations and the system by which fa ren (“legal representatives”) were the core of enterprises.
Unfortunately, Zhao’s political reforms were terminated upon his fall from power. The dreadful result was the indiscriminate denial of civil rights and the principles of democracy, and the rise of what today’s leaders call “socialism with Chinese characteristics” — a bitter euphemism for unchecked Party and government power entwined with commercial interests.
Zhao’s fate is also a chilling reminder of other injustices that are on the consciences of those now in power. The only reason for Zhao’s continued ill treatment was his opposition to the violent repression of the Tiananmen Square protest in 1989. It should have been his decision to make as general secretary, but things were not as they should have been.
It should be remembered that former general secretary Hu Yaobang, who had been forced to step down two years earlier by Deng Xiaoping because of his liberal stance, died in April 1989, triggering spontaneous and peaceful student demonstrations in Beijing, which spread across the country. Half a million college students in Beijing alone were involved in this movement.
It lasted 50 days and was heartily supported by Beijing residents and people all around the country, from all walks of life. Zhao pointed out to the Politburo that the sentiments expressed by the students and residents in their commemoration of Hu, in their protests against corruption, and their desire for democracy were really the same sentiments that they themselves held. He believed that it should be possible to resolve the student protests and respect the principles of democracy and the rule of law.
Under Zhao’s direction, the Politburo and its Standing Committee called for dialogue with the students. This hopeful direction changed completely, however, when Deng Xiaoping revealed his desire for a violent crackdown.
In the end, it came down to a fight among five members of the Politburo Standing Committee: Li Peng and Yao Yiling sought to deploy the military. Zhao opposed this. Qiao Shi and Hu Qili initially sided with Zhao, but then withdrew their support and, instead, asked Deng Xiaoping to make the final decision.
With deep divisions evident, Deng chose to bypass all existing institutions, the Party’s Politburo, the Central Committee, and the National People’s Congress and its Standing Committee. Without further discussion, he mobilised 500,000 troops to enter Beijing to crack down on the unarmed students and civilians. The Tiananmen Square Massacre of 1989 was a tragedy for China, and another tragedy for the twentieth century. Sixteen years have passed, but the pain remains, buried in the hearts and minds of the people.
In the years that have passed, China’s leaders were responsible not only for Zhao’s unlawful house arrest but also for a systematic effort to erase his name from history. But their attempts to conceal the truth about the past only reveal their weakness and their shamelessness. For one thing they cannot change: Zhao Ziyang remains with us, in the Chinese people’s ongoing struggle for rights and democracy. —DT-PS
Bao Tong, former director of the Office of Political Reform of the CCP Central Committee, was secretary to Zhao Ziyang, premier of the State Council, from 1980 to 1985
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