[lbo-talk] Re: working class? (and other responses)

Bill Bartlett billbartlett at dodo.com.au
Tue Oct 18 16:42:33 PDT 2005


You're missing something obvious, the concept of class is not merely a social analysis designed to justify a claim, or for its own sake. The primary purpose is to work out whose interests are objectively reconcilable, as a theoretical basis for organisation. Class analysis, in other words is a practical issue of concern, the very foundation of working class organisation. In the sense that you can't even begin the task or organising the working class if you have no idea what it is and if you get the class analysis wrong the organisation you build on these foundations will probably collapse.

Of course some people, like Chuck, dismiss the entire notion of class. No foundations are necessary for their organisational structure, any patch of shifting sand will do them. Or no organisation at all. But sentient beings can see this is folly.

The important thing about purposeful organisation is to reconcile the interests of the members. If everyone's interests roughly co-incide, then the organisation can be constructive and the people can work together. If basic interests conflict, then it tends to become political. Meaning that either it suffers from endless futile war, or it must become a dictatorship of one interest or the other.

Some people think that internal organisational division is inevitable, but in my experience that is not true. Except where the interests are objectively irreconcilable. That is to say where one set of interests can not be advanced except at the expense of another.

I might use my little housing co-op as an example. We choose to only admit tenants as members, because unfortunately our resources are limited and thus tenants' interests are impossible to reconcile with non-tenants. Tenants want security of tenure while the objective interests of non-tenants would be better served by tossing out the existing tenants to open up some vacancies for them.

Having solved that basic question of whose interests we primarily serve, the organisation runs relatively smoothly. Sure, it must be said that we would each be happier if we didn't have to pay rent. But on the other hand if no-one paid rent we would each be worse off very quickly, since the bills wouldn't get paid. So the solution that is in everyone's best interests is that everyone pay rent. No exceptions. Everyone gets behind at one time or another and it is in all our interests to allow some latitude for emergencies, but we all agree that it has to be paid eventually. The policies we agree on to govern such matters are decided by everyone.

There's never been a need for a vote and indeed a single person can veto any decision. Which is important, because it ensures that it is quite impossible for political decision-making to take hold. One group getting the numbers to make some change which would favour some members at the expense of other members.

But of course it wouldn't be possible to have such a mode of decision-making if there were irreconcilable interests. It is only possible on the strong foundations of a correct decision about who we admit as members.

Likewise the notion of class analysis is the essential foundation of working class organisation. I won't go into why working class organisation is an essential element of the overthrow of capitalism, I'm sure you're familiar with that.

Bill Bartlett Bracknell Tas

At 5:08 PM -0400 18/10/05, Wojtek Sokolowski wrote:


>The original purpose of the concept of class was to cast a social problem of
>inequality as an ethical problem of justice and do so in a rational way.
>Marx was quite explicitly opposed to moralistic claims of demagogues of his
>times that workers are somewhat "cheated" i.e. paying less than the full
>value of their work by their bosses. He countered that with his theory of
>value showing that their are being paid the full (exchange) value of their
>work, and thus no cheating of that sort was involved. From that point of
>view, low wages per se were insufficient to form an ethical claim that
>workers deserved more. A horse can work the whole day for food and basic
>upkeep, so why can't a worker?
>
>However, Marx was able to cast this social problem in ethical terms by
>introducing the notion of the ownership of the means of production. The
>process of production involves both labor and machinery (means of
>production) - but the division of the ownership of thee two allows the
>capitalist to keep the entire product of the process of work and pay only
>the value of labor, which is basically the socially necessary cost of
>worker' upkeep. This is the trick that reduces the role of a worker to that
>of a work horse.
>
>However, the ownership of the means of production is also what defines class
>membership - albeit as I previously argued this is not what created the
>working class - feudalism did, capitalist merely found a use for it. So
>this is where a mere statement of inequality becomes an ethical claim -
>membership in a class robs people of the fruits of their labor, because what
>defines class membership and what expropriates all product of labor is one
>and the same thing.
>
>Regardless of the merits of this argument (which have been extensively
>debated) this is a very clear, rational statement that is also plain to
>understand by anyone - not just those well versed in countercultural
>gobbledygook. We may say that the argument no longer holds on empirical
>grounds, but we cannot say that it is not self evident to anyone who accepts
>its empirical premise. That is to say, in the times of Marx, ownership of
>the means of production was for the most part inheritance - capitalists
>contributed very little to the production process other than the title, at
>best some of them might have managed their firms, but even those management
>tasks were relegated to skilled workers. Therefore it was pretty much a
>matter of fact that a British aristocrat turned capitalist was nothing more
>than a useless parasite contributing nothing to the production process but
>skimming off all the benefits. Since nobody liked useless parasites, it was
>only rational to demand removing them from the production process and
>divvying up their loot among those who actually produced it.
>
>
>In sum, for Marx the notion of class was the basic of social analysis that
>was both empirically accurate (at least at that that time) and formed a
>rational foundation for a normative claim (expropriate the expropriators).
>But today, such a claim can be no longer made. First of all, the
>contribution to the labor process is no longer limited to manual labor and
>operating machinery, but involve a whole bunch of cognitive and social
>skills. Second, the latter are being contributed by all people involved in
>the production process - from the CEO to a janitor - so every claim to
>"justice" hinges on the value assigned to that contribution.
>
>It is moreover clear that, even by Marx own analysis, that workers are
>typically paid the actual value of their work (it is the supply and demand
>thing!) thus software engineers are paid more than janitors because they
>have the skills that are in high demand and those skills are not abundant in
>the population like janitorial skills are. We may point out that CEOs are
>overpaid - but that would be a rather ignorant of the fact that what that
>most CEO salaries (i.e. remuneration for work) are not that high, last time
>I checked Bill Gate's salary was less than half a million dollars - which
>does not seem exorbitant for someone with that level of skill and
>responsibility. The overpayment part comes from his position as a rentier
>i.e. company stock ownership - which is a different story. However, unlike
>in the 18th century England, everyone in the United States can own the means
>of production in the form of stock, not just aristocratic idlers.
>
>So that the ownership of the means of production and relations of production
>itself are not only far more complex, thanks to industrialization, but they
>do not as easily lend themselves to to normative claims for justice. Not
>long ago, I cited an article by Sasha Abriamsky in the Nation suggesting
>public fuel subsidies to working class families and asked why is such
>subsidy warranted? Just because they need? So does everyone else. Unlike
>the British peasants turned working class, nobody locked these folks in the
>life styles that they cannot afford to continue anymore. So why should the
>public subsidize them?
>
>Nobody on this list cared, or perhaps was able, to address that question.
>The only response I received was that we should pay them because they will
>riot. That shows the utter povery of left thinking nowadays - all they are
>capable is speaking in tongues about "injustices" that are evident only to
>the initiated.
>
>So to summarize, the concept of class has no intrinsic value in itself. Its
>usefulness comes mainly from the fact that at certain time in history it
>formed the basis of an empirically adequate analysis of social problems, and
>a rational basis of normative claims based on that analysis. But it does
>not anymore - and mindless repetition of that old discourse only testified
>to the extent of intellectual poverty. So far, the left is not able to
>offer a rational alternative to the normative claim offered by neo-liberals
>re. self-regulating markets.
>
>The market mantra is attractive because it offers a rational basis -
>equality of opportunity, meritocracy, and efficiency - to normative claim
>for social inequality. We may question the empirical specifics, but the
>claim itself is no less rational than that of communism bringing justice and
>happiness to all. But what alternative does the left have to offer? The
>"injustice" gobbledygook and demands for welfare handouts without even being
>able to justify them in clear and generally understandable way. No wonder
>that nobody takes the left seriously anymore and prefers the neo-liberal
>mantra.
>
>My suggestion is to stop parroting the battle cries from the previous eras,
>regurgitating old shibboleths that nobody but a handful of the initiated
>cares about anymore, and instead come up with a brand new progressive and
>rational world view that speaks to the mainstream (not just the marginalized
>dropouts and exotic experience seeking upper class radicals), justifies
>social organization that is based on principles of social solidarity,
>equality and meritocracy, and offers are compelling alternative to the
>neo-liberal market mantra.
>
>Wojtek
>
>
>
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