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<div>Trevor wrote</div>
<div><br></div>
<blockquote type="cite" cite><font face="Courier" size="+2"
color="#000000">If the US has a higher capital stock
to</font></blockquote>
<blockquote type="cite" cite><font face="Courier" size="+2"
color="#000000">begin with it will take a much higher absolute level
of investment to move</font></blockquote>
<blockquote type="cite" cite><font face="Courier" size="+2"
color="#000000">the relative rate of increase higher in the US than in
China. Eg China with</font></blockquote>
<blockquote type="cite" cite><font face="Courier" size="+2"
color="#000000">a capital stock of 10 would need an investment of 1
for a10 percent increase</font></blockquote>
<blockquote type="cite" cite><font face="Courier" size="+2"
color="#000000">smilarily the US with a capital stock of 30 would need
and increase 3 or</font></blockquote>
<blockquote type="cite" cite><font face="Courier" size="+2"
color="#000000">three times the absolute investment in capital
stock.</font></blockquote>
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<div>But if the absolute mass of surplus value was a direct function
of the absolute size of the capital stock, then a greater percentage
of surplus value wouldn't have to be capitalized as additional
constant and variable capital to maintain the same percentage growth
rate in the size of the utilized capital stock</div>
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<div>Our compromise may be near.</div>
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<div>An unrelated point:</div>
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<div>As I have said on this list during the Brenner debate, the
Shaikh/Tonak, Moseley, Dumenil/Levy, Wolff theory seems to
downplay the importance of the restructuring of the international
division of labor in the raising of the profit rate in US
statistics.</div>
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<div>Interested in what Paul has to say about below.</div>
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<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000"> James
Galbraith (1989, 1997) has called attention to the restructuring of
the international division of labor. The high interest regime imposed
by Volcker in the early 1980s induced bankruptcies and forced a
restructuring of capital, if not morphological changes in US
industrial structure. Galbraith underlines that with each recession
firms in the relatively low value added consumer good industries have
been shut down and relocated, leaving the US industrial structure top
heavy with more highly profitable technological sophisticated
industries. Advanced capital goods came to count more in the US's
exports (Warner, 1995; Galbraith, 1997). What we have here then is not
necessarily a recovery in profitability in the system as a whole but a
concentration on the more highly profitable branches within the US.
The ability of a nation state to concentrate within its borders more
profitable activities does not raise profitability in the system as a
whole; it only partially immunizes the successful nation state from
the full force of its fall. As for why these branches are more
profitable, Galbraith writes:</font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000">"...there is
also the way that great individual fortunes are made, the way of
creating seemingly instant wealth: by capitalizing on a transient
advantage, by creating an indispensable product and reaping the
surplus that others are willing to pay--so long as the monopoly
holds--in order to own it. This leads in a straightforward direction.
The US position in the global economy and its standard of living have
depended on its ability to continue substantially to dominate world
production of capital goods, of the machinery and equipment that flow
into the industrial process. Further, that ability depends on
its capacity to generate and sustain the expansion of an investment
goods-producing sector serving a world market. Why capital goods?
Because capital good embody design, and unique design is the essence
of scarcity value. The machinery and equipment used in the production
of goods and services--and not the final act of production itself--are
what determine which technologies, which systems, become the basis of
consumer life in the industrial world. For this reason,
technical superiority in capital goods is the quintessence of advanced
development, the ultimate rent-yielding activity. Superiority here is
the one thing that cannot be emulated by a developing or
industrializing nation or even a second-rate industrial power, not can
it be undercut by low-wage competition. it is therefore the one
thing that guarantees and advanced nation a high standard of
living. </font><br>
<font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000"></font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000">In short, the
apparent recovery in US profitability does not weigh against the
underlying force of the law of the tendency of the rate of profit to
fall: the recovery has required an assault on the working class and
still has only been partial and dependent presently on artifical
stimulus, and it has compelled US capital to exit from entire branches
of production on account of their low profitability, thereby leading
to a process of de-industrialization and downward mobility which has
in part been characterized by whites driving minorities out of
position that the former had tended not even to want.</font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000">That some
sectors--medical equipment, design and logic microchips,
pharmaceuticals, software, aerospace, CAD equipment, etc.--have
remained profitable hardly speaks to the heath of the system as a
whole.</font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000">Finally there was in
fact a serious drop in profitability between 1997 and at least
2002, and we are now only realizing that it may have been and
may be deeper than companies with their eyes on the stock market were
or are still letting on.</font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000">The theory of the
falling rate of profit is not obviously empirically invalid in spite
of the partial recovery of the US profit rate since the 1980s
and may remain the force that explains the consolidation of the very
forces (anti labor legislation, industrial restructuring, currency
devaluations) that overcame it, at least for certain groups of
capitals.</font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000">But obviously my
understanding of industrial restructuring is more highly indebted to
Galbraith's post Keynesian work than that of Marxist
scholars.</font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000">Perhaps I am not a
Marxist, after all.</font></div>
<div><font face="Times" size="+2" color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div>Rakesh</div>
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