[lbo-talk] TV series on Stalin divides Russian audience

Yoshie Furuhashi critical.montages at gmail.com
Sun Apr 1 08:43:37 PDT 2007


On 4/1/07, Chris Doss <lookoverhere1 at yahoo.com> wrote:
>
> I have been watching this series. The guy who plays
> Beria looks just like him, and they do Stalin's
> georgian accent well.
>
> Los Angeles Times
> March 30, 2007
> TV series on Stalin divides Russian audience
> Critics see an effort to whitewash the Soviet
> dictator. Supporters say he built a great nation.
> By David Holley, Times Staff Writer
>
> MOSCOW ­ Josef Stalin is speaking to his son
> Yakov, who has just telephoned to say that he
> will soon head off to battle the Nazi invaders.
>
> "I sometimes was not fair to you. Forgive me. I
> devoted little time to you," the Soviet dictator
> apologizes. "Son, go and fight. This is your
> duty." He then switches to Georgian, the language
> of his childhood, and adds with even greater
> feeling: "If you have to die, do it with dignity.
> And you must be confident that your father,
> Stalin, will do everything for our victory."
>
> The poignant scene ­ for viewers who can stomach
> it ­ is part of a controversial 40-episode TV
> drama, "Stalin Live," now airing on a nationwide
> network here. The show's structural device is an
> elderly Stalin, in the last weeks of his life,
> recalling episodes in his younger days, most
> presenting him in a favorable light.
<snip>
> Estimates of the number of Stalin's victims vary
> widely, but most historians say that 10 million
> to 20 million people died in purges, famines,
> deportations and labor camps as a result of his
> policies from the time he rose to power in the
> mid-1920s until his death in 1953. In addition,
> the Soviet Union suffered at least 20 million
> troop and civilian deaths in World War II. Among
> them was his son Yakov, who died in a German
> prisoner-of-war camp.
<snip>
> Surveys conducted two years ago on the 60th
> anniversary of victory over Nazi Germany showed a
> nation roughly divided between the pro- and
> anti-Stalin camps, with those sympathetic to the
> dictator holding a modest edge. In a poll by the
> All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center, 20%
> of respondents described his role as "very
> positive," and 30% called it "somewhat positive."
> Only 12% described it as "very negative."
>
> Stalin's admirers insist that his achievements
> outweigh his faults. Among them is David
> Giorgobiani, the Georgian actor who plays Stalin in
> the series.
>
> "Many more years have to pass before we can make
> an unbiased judgment on that great man," he said.
> "One hundred years from now, no one will pay
> attention to the fact that so many people
> perished and the costs were so terribly high. But
> everyone will remember that such a great country was
> saved."

Already in the middle of WW2, thinking Soviet soldiers were capable of unbiased judgments about Soviet socialism under Stalin -- its great achievements at great costs -- or so suggests Ivan's War by Catherine Merridale.* I hope young working-class Iranians who serve in their armed forces will feel similarly about their country, religion, and revolution if the time comes for them to defend their nation from the invader.

* <http://www.monthlyreview.org/mrzine/ferguson130307.html> Comrades in Arms by Dean Ferguson

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

In Ivan's War, the accomplished English historian Catherine Merridale sets forth the sacrifices made by the Soviet rank and file -- by "the Ivans," the Soviet G.I.s who stood fast at Stalingrad, smashed the Panzer armies at Kursk, and stormed the Fuehrer's stronghold at Berlin. Delving into newly-opened military archives, perusing the letters and diaries of the frontoviks -- front-line combatants -- she inquires deeply into the motivations of the Red Army's soldiers. What made them fight on as they did? she asks.

There were two factors in the main: first desperation, then revenge. In the catastrophic summer of 1941, when Wehrmacht columns marched on Moscow and Soviet collapse seemed imminent, the soldiers fought out of desperation: the fear of annihilation that drove a women's battalion at Brest Fortress to fight to the death, despite a furious bombardment and the onslaught of vastly superior forces. After the Soviets' decisive victory at Stalingrad, desperation gave way to hatred and the desire for revenge. The troops that discovered the burial pits of Babi Yar and the death camps of Maidanek and Treblinka fell upon "accursed Germany" with an Old Testament fury. They wanted blood for blood.

There were other factors that steeled the Soviet will to resist and conquer. Patriotism, yes: a primeval love for rodina, the Motherland.

But more than that: for millions of soldiers, a lingering faith in the utopian ideals of Soviet Communism. Despite the purges that liquidated the last of Lenin's cadres, despite Stalin's betrayal of the Revolution's promise, millions believed in what might have been, and what could still be: something that can only be called socialism. Merridale is tempted to dismiss this faith as superficial, even absurd; but she concedes that it stiffened the resolve of many front-line fighters. She cites the example of one Mikhail Ivanovich, an infantry officer in an elite brigade whose faith sustained him on a forced march -- through 150 miles of icy swamps -- behind the Nazi lines. For those who called themselves comrades, Merridale writes,

Communism was a far cry from the theoretical manuscripts.

The soldiers put their faith in progress, in the collective, in

[the acquisition of military] skills. What they called Communist

belief was [faith in] the victory of a just cause over the darkness

. . . [a] victory that seemed to attest that this people could

never be enslaved.

In a letter to Alan Clark -- the author of Barbarossa, a magisterial history of the Russo-German war -- one Soviet veteran wrote of the inspiration that socialism offered:

Even those of us who knew that our government was wicked,

that there was little to choose between the SS and the NKVD

except their language, and who despised the hypocrisy of

Communist politics -- we felt that we must fight. Because

every Russian who had lived through the Revolution and

the thirties had felt a breeze of hope, for the first time in

the history of our people. We were like the bud at the tip

of a root which has wound its way for centuries under rocky

soil. We felt ourselves to be within inches of the open sky.

We knew that we would die, of course. But our children would

inherit two things: A land free of the invader; and Time, in which

the progressive ideals of Communism might emerge.

The Soviets fought superbly. Denied liberty themselves, they nevertheless helped to save the West from slavery and fascism. Denied any voice of their own, they yet preserved democracy -- and the prospect of a democratic socialism -- from a genocidal regime's devastation. -- Yoshie



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