yeah. but the issue is the, for lack of a better term, essentializing of the oppressed term in the contradiction. what happens is that, if something is valorized in class society then it's assumed that, to valorize it's supposed opposite, is to engage in the proper kind of resistance. If the devil wears prada, I wear the unfashionable and therefore my political practice is not only correct, but morally supreme.
And the argument thus bogs down into assertions of horror, disgust at anyone who objects -- for that is what humans do when they feel someone is violating a normative (moral) rule as to what constitutes proper lefty politics.
I have to go dosome holiday baking, so I don't want to spend a lot of time unpacking Wendy Brown's unfortunately dense prose in _States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity_. But I'll throw it out there and maybe get back to it. Brown is arguing against this tendency to engage in the politics of resentiment:
"I want to suggest that much of N. Atlantic (is that typically a term or typo? -- bitch) Feminism partakes deeply of both the epistemological spirit and political structure of resentiment and that this constitutes a good deal of our nervousness about moving toward an analysis as thoroughly Nietzschean in its warniness abou truth as postfoundational political theory must be. Surrendering *moral* claims against domination -- especially the avenging strength through *moral* critique of it -- and moving instead into the domain of the sheerly political: "wars of position" and amoral contests about the just and the good in which truth is always grasped as coterminous with power, as always already power, as the voice of power."
Later, she speaks to something I've written frequently about on the blog: the notion that the most oppressed group has the "truth" of, not only oppression and their experience of oppression, but has the truth about everything in their analysis of groups who have power,in their analysis of how power operates, and what to do about power. They have to how we proceed, politically, to eliminate oppression."
Time Out: this is the basis of Doug's objections to carrol re his insistence that we always center the concerns of people of color. However, I don't think Carrol is this simplistic in his formulation, which I've said before, is far more Marxist in so far as Carrol thnks that the answers lie in political practice, and not simply in the subjectivity of individuals or even group interests that are somehow articulated through consensus or something.
Anyway, this standpoint theory for the foundations for the good and the true was central to the rise of leftist political strategies -- not just feminism: the notion that, by locating the most oppressed class, we would locate the answer to how to get out of this place. They would _know_ the truth.
I just finished reading some feminist histories of the late 60s and early 70s and this really was quite rampant. And I think most people are so enamored of this idea, even if they realize its limitations. They can't get out of it and what ensues is a kind of "More Oppressedor Than Thou" game that everyone wants to deny they engage in, but they ultimately do. It's forms the basis of the more authentic than thou dick swinging that goes on re: Ehrenreich: She wasn't really poor, so she can't have anything but a distorted view of the world. *I* know what it's like to be poor, I am poor, *I* have the truth. To which someone can invariably snicker because there is almost always someone somewhere else who is even worse off. It's a stupid, fruitless game -- but it is tempting to engage in such moral one-upmanship.
Brown continues:
"I have situated feminist anxieties about postmodernity in its disruption and deauthorization of our moral ground -- our subject that harbors truth, and our truth that opposes power. But preference for moral reasoning over open political contest is not the only legacy of the modernist feminist story: modernity also bequeaths to us a preference for deriving norms epistemologically over deciding on them politically. Indeed.... much of Western political theory has derived ... the Good from the True, and feminist theory is no exception....
Feminist standpoint theory takes this effort further in its imitation of the Marxist effort to vest the class that is "in but not of civil society" with the capacity for a situated knowledge capable of achieving universal vision and containing seeds of universal norms. Not only the truth of oppression but the truth of human existence and human needs is apprehended by, because produced by, the daily experience of society's most exploited and devalued. With the unique capacity for seeing truth and their standing as the new universal class (the class that represents universal interests because its interests lie with the complete abolution of class), this population also has a singular purchase on "the good."
Later:
"The postmodern exposure of the imposed and created rather than the discovered character of all knowledges of the power-suffused, struggle-produced quality of all truths, including reigning political and scientific ones simultaneously exposes the groundlessness of discovery or visions. It also reveals the exclusionary and regulatory function of these norms: when white women cannot locate themselves in Nancy Harstock's account of women's experience or women's desires. In African American women who do not identify with Patricia Hill Collins's account of black women's ways of knowing, are once again excluded from the Party of Humanism - this time in its feminist variant."
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