[lbo-talk] Varieties of secularism

bhandari at berkeley.edu bhandari at berkeley.edu
Thu Oct 25 14:21:43 PDT 2007


Yoshie, Asad provides an explicit class based analysis of punishment for blasphemy (though no analysis--I think--of punishment for heresy in the paper which I forwarded, but the point is that Asad is quite aware of the punishment of the working class for religious offences), and the analysis of the French Revolution was Andrew Collier's, not Asad's. Of course it's an interesting question the way in which Asad is and is not a closet Marxist--have not read enough of Asad's work to comment here, and I think he deserves a more careful reading than you are offering-- but he does not seem in my little reading to be in general inattentive to the class dynamics of the formation of the secular. Note here his analysis of the multiple prejudices visited upon poor Muslim minorities in the West (the politics of the veil and Danish cartoon controversies where we see class, religious and racial prejudices imbricated) or his emphasis on the class biased distrubtion of punishments in England. Your blog entry seems quite interesting. Rakesh

[lbo-talk] Varieties of Secularism (was Talal Asad on Secularism, Liberalism, and Human Rights)

Yoshie Furuhashi critical.montages at gmail.com Thu Oct 25 12:42:34 PDT 2007 Previous message: [lbo-talk] The Third Annual, "Too Many of This, Not Enough of That" Re-naming Contest Next message: [lbo-talk] 50 Cent: big fan of W! Messages sorted by: [ date ] [ thread ] [ subject ] [ author ] Search LBO-Talk Archives Limit search to: Subject & Body Subject Author Sort by: Reverse Sort On 10/24/07, Shane Mage <shmage at pipeline.com> wrote:
> Rakesh Bhandari wrote:
>
> "...the limits of liberal secularism (think of violence against
> Catholics after the French Revolution)..."
>
> Although the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy and the Nonjuring Clergy were
> always mainstays of reaction, "violence against Catholics" was
insignificant
> until the White Terror of the Vend´eean uprising. When it came, the
> violence, despite sometimes terrible excesses (one of which is
> immortalized in Poulenc's opera) was legitimate revolutionary self
> defense.

Indeed. One weakness of Talal Asad is his failure to make a clear distinction between secularism won from below through authentic social revolution against the alliance of clerical hierarchy and landed oligarchy on one hand and secularism imposed from above in defense of ruling class interests on the other hand.

I recommend Asad's work to historical materialists, just as I recommend the work of Joseph Massad, Afsaneh Najmabadi, Dror Ze'evi, and so on, as well as the work of Michel Foucault, in that theirs is an antidote to vulgar Marxism which, like liberalism, is explicitly or implicitly committed to the myth of Progress that has us believe the West as the telos of humanity, but their analysis needs to be complemented by class analysis.

<http://montages.blogspot.com/2007/10/varieties-of-secularism.html> Varieties of Secularism

Secular leftists as well as liberals tend to think that religion is an ideology, a product of alienation, whereas secularism isn't. Secularism, however, is a political doctrine, and as such, it is as much of an ideology as religion.

What kind of ideology is secularism?

There are at least three major varieties of this ideology that we need to study:

* republican secularism (secularism won from below

through authentic social revolution, seen, for instance,

in France and Mexico);

* authoritarian secularism (secularism imposed from

above, for instance, Kemalism, an ideology invented as

much to dissociate Turkey from its own region and

make it a member of the mythical West1 as to pacify

the working masses by dictating and controlling their

ideology, purging religion here, promulgating a

state-sanctioned variety of it there);

* the American separation of church and state (which

makes the state legally secular but makes religion,

both good and bad varieties, flourish in civil society).

Not all varieties of religion are valuable, nor are all varieties of secularisms. Among the three, only republican secularism may serve as a path to the proletarian Enlightenment, political or intellectual, that empowers them.

Nevertheless, even republican secularism, if the Left is not careful, can be deformed by the power elite into an instrument of social control, for example, as a weapon of xenophobic attack on predominantly proletarian migrants from France's former colonial possessions in the MENA region. An uncritical approach to secularism just helps make the empire more powerful at the expense of working people, in the North as well as the South.

1 Initially, Kemalism was an ideology of modernization as Westernization. The European Union's reluctance to admit Turkey as its member, however, has begun to change it. Mustafa Akyol, deputy editor of the Turkish Daily News, recently observed:

What is most striking in this nationwide division is

that the so-called Islamists are generally on the

liberal pro-Western side, while the secularists are

often on the other. In the general election held on

July 22, the "Islamist" AKP had the most strongly

pro-E.U. platform, whereas the ultra-secularist

Republican People's Party tried to woo voters with

Euro-skeptic rhetoric. (The AKP won the elections

with a clear victory of 47 percent, while its main

secular rival took 21 percent.) The AKP is also a

strong proponent of free markets and foreign

investment, whereas most secularist politicians

see such things as "imperialist" and favor a

state-protected economy. As Ziya Onis, a political

economist at Koc University in Istanbul, said

recently, the current power struggle in Turkey is

between "conservative globalists" and "defensive

nationalists" -- including the ultra-secular Kemalists.

("The Protocols of the Elders of Turkey," Washington

Post, 7 October 2007, p. B2)

It is in this context where the strangest variety of anti-Semitism, which peddles "a conspiracy theory about a Zionist plot to create an Islamist state" in Turkey, has emerged among Kemalists.

Look in just about any bookstore in Turkey, and

you'll see some of the strangest bestsellers imaginable.

The cover of "The Children of Moses," the first and

most popular book in a series of four, shows the

country's devoutly Muslim prime minister, Recep

Tayyip Erdogan, in the middle of a six-pointed Star of

David. Inside, you'll find a head-spinningly weird

argument: that Erdogan and his conservative allies in

Turkey's ruling pro-Islamic party are actually crypto-Jews

with secret wicked ties to the conspiratorial forces of

"global Zionism."

The books are hardly a fringe phenomenon. They're

arrayed in chic bookstores along Istiklal Avenue, the

funky pedestrian mall that's the heart of secular Istanbul.

They're openly displayed alongside Orhan Pamuk

novels at Ataturk International Airport. And they're even

sold on tiny bookstands on the Princes' Islands, the

vacation destinations in the Sea of Marmara that many

well-off Turks view the way Manhattanites do the

Hamptons. By the publishers' figures, they've sold

about 520,000 copies since the books started rolling

out this year -- a staggering figure for a nation of

about 71 million people.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Ergun Poyraz, who wrote the series, is a self-declared

"Kemalist," the term used here to describe the

committed followers of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the

resolutely secular war hero who founded modern

Turkey in 1923. The politicians whom Poyraz is out to

skewer define themselves as sensible conservatives,

but they're derided as closet fundamentalists by their

foes among Turkey's traditional elites, who are still

deeply suspicious of any intrusion of Islam into the

public sphere. Poyraz's books argue -- apparently in

all seriousness -- that "Zionism" has decided to steer

Turkey away from its time-worn secular path and turn it

into a "moderate Islamic republic." It is hard to believe

that "Zionism" (let alone any sane Israeli leader) would

prefer an Islamist Turkey to a secular one, but Poyraz

is convinced that a mildly Islamic state would be more

easily manipulated by foreign powers than a

staunchly nationalist one. (Akyol, 7 October 2007, p. B2) -- Yoshie <http://montages.blogspot.com/>

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