[lbo-talk] Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn Dies at 89

Michael Pollak mpollak at panix.com
Tue Aug 5 12:52:37 PDT 2008


On Tue, 5 Aug 2008, Chris Doss wrote:


> Anyway, I will make a few comments about Diaspora Disease... The image
> fixed in the Diaspora's mind is a reified image of the place of origin
> as seen through the eyes of their grandparents.

I'm not sure it can be entirely reduced to collective memory. Israel is an interesting counter-example. It's one of the few places in the world where the diaspora came before the country, so no one has a memory of leaving it. And yet they have much the same problem with their diaspora as everyone else, maybe even more so:

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/18/opinion/18goldberg.html

The New York Times

May 18, 2008

Op-Ed Contributor

Israels American Problem

By JEFFREY GOLDBERG

Washington

WHEN the prime minister of Israel, Ehud Olmert, arrived at a Jerusalem

ballroom in February to address the grandees of the Conference of

Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations (a redundancy, since

there are no minor American Jewish organizations), he was pugnacious,

as is customary, but he was also surprisingly defensive, and not

because of his relentlessly compounding legal worries. He knew that

scattered about the audience were Jewish leaders who considered him

hopelessly spongy -- and very nearly traitorous -- on an issue they

believed to be of cosmological importance: the sanctity of a "united"

Jerusalem, under the sole sovereignty of Israel.

These Jewish leaders, who live in Chicago and New York and behind the

gates of Boca Raton country clubs, loathe the idea that Mr. Olmert, or

a prime minister yet elected, might one day cede the Arab neighborhoods

of East Jerusalem to the latent state of Palestine. These are

neighborhoods -- places like Sur Baher, Beit Hanina and Abu Dis -- that

the Conference of Presidents could not find with a forked stick and Ari

Ben Canaan as a guide. And yet many Jewish leaders believe that an

Israeli compromise on the boundaries of greater Jerusalem -- or on

nearly any other point of disagreement -- is an axiomatic invitation to

catastrophe.

One leader, Joshua Katzen, of the Jewish Institute for National

Security Affairs, told me, "I think that Israelis don't have the big

view of global jihad that American Jews do, because Israelis are caught

up in their daily emergencies." When I asked him how his Israeli

friends responded to this, he answered: "They say, 'When your son has

to fight, you can have an opinion.' But I tell them that it is

precisely because your son has to fight that you have a harder time

seeing the larger picture."

<end except>

Michael



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