[lbo-talk] Fwd: Performance of Left

Michael McIntyre morbidsymptoms at gmail.com
Mon May 25 11:14:46 PDT 2009


This makes a lot more sense to me than other things I've seen here because it's much better grounded in political economy. I think that panchayat raj in West Bengal was always about building the CPM electoral machine though. (Atul Kohli pointed this out 15-20 years ago, but he thought it was a Good Thing). This is a structural problem that I think both Kerala and West Bengal have been heading towards for a long time. Their success was based on land redistribution and provision of public services (the latter in Kerala, especially). But once those gains have been made, you have to face the problem of capital accumulation. This is particularly knotty in a federal system where capital enjoys unfettered mobility plus the capacity to bargain simultaneously with a number of state governments. As a result, state governments are under intense pressure to make large concessions to capital, on pain of capital accumulation occurring elsewhere in the federation. But the cost of these concessions, often combined with low productivity of capital, makes a shift from redistribution to accumulation a losing proposition from the point of view of the base for a very long time. (See here Adam Przeworski's work on "class compromise" in Capitalism and Social Democracy). So it's not just a leadership problem (although it is, too, a leadership problem). The best leaders in the world would find it difficult to move the CPM/LF beyond this impasse.

MM

On Mon, May 25, 2009 at 12:56 PM, ravi <ravi at platosbeard.org> wrote:


>
> A very quick analysis/response (sent to me a few days ago) from a friend in
> India, regarding the election results and the CPI:
>
> So, first the performance in Kerela is not that shocking since Kerela has
>> a history of swinging from election to election between the UDF (cong+) and
>> the LDF (cpim+). However, even in Kerela there has been unprecedented
>> factionalism this time around which contributed to the results.
>>
>> Now for Bengal which has been the real shocker, we need to go into a
>> little bit of history. See, the left front came to power in 1977 and started
>> in earnest the land reforms. It is now universally accepted that the breadth
>> and depth of land reforms and support for local self govt (panchayati raj)
>> which was carried out in West Bengal still are without precedence anywhere
>> else in the country and this brought real improvements in standard of living
>> for the rural poor in West bengal. However, the benefits of those have now
>> become the norm for the rural poor in WB and as is to be expected they now
>> demand for a further improvement in their standard of living. Also, after 30
>> years, we are now in the 2nd or 3rd generation from the generation which got
>> the land and hence the plot per individual has now gone down to 1/4 to
>> 1/16th of the original plots allocated resulting in stagnation or lowering
>> of the standard of living of the rural poor. Hence, the left front realized
>> that in order to meet the aspirations of its base it needs to aggressively
>> start the process of industrialization of the state. Hence the courting of
>> Tatas, etc.
>>
>> However, this is where the problems begin. As you would expect, big
>> business would extract its pound of flesh in return for coming to the state,
>> especially when other states are falling one over the other to attract big
>> business, giving them all kinds of sops and expropriating land from the
>> politically disorganized rural and tribal people with full media support.
>> So, when the Tatas and other were courted they made many demands like being
>> close to Kolkatta, access to highways, project approval in 6 months, etc. At
>> that time, there was a faction within the CPIM which resisted these demands
>> saying this will antagonize the base and they should go slow. However, the
>> faction in control of the West Bengal unit overruled them and decided to
>> move ahead fast without launching an education program or getting enough
>> buyin from all sections of society.
>>
>> It was claimed that the price given for the land was a multiple of the
>> market rates. Also, even landless labourers/sharecroppers were given
>> compensation which was calculated as a percentage of what they would get if
>> they actually owned the land. The claim was that the level of compensation
>> given was unprecedented compared to other parts of India, many times above
>> the market rates and interest income from the lumpsum would actually be
>> equal to or more than the yield on the land. However, this was done in a
>> hurry without launching proper buyin programs from the people. Looking back
>> this is a historic blunder!!! A party claiming to be a revolutionary
>> people's party cannot and should not take unilateral decisions without
>> people's consent. Also, a section of well off farmers which can afford
>> industrialized and consolidated modern agriculture may actually stand to
>> lose due to this and they were at the forefront of the Nandigram movement
>> which was eventually hijacked by Mamata, the Naxalites and the press.
>>
>> Though the issues in two state are completely different, IMO there is a
>> common thread between the two. I think the previous generation in CPIM top
>> leadership used to be far more radical and militant - think about EMS,
>> Ranadive, Gopalan, Pramod Dasgupta, etc. The current generation has somehow
>> got lost in parliamentary politics and at least diluted the revolutionary
>> character. To say that Karat erred in pulling his support due to the nuclear
>> deal is wrong, if anything I would argue that the opposite is true - there
>> is a need to be far more militant. Also, the fact that a revisionists like
>> Somnath Chatterjee can rise so high in the party and the factionalism in the
>> Kerela unit points to deep problems within party. I think the party needs a
>> radical change in direction and purge the revisionist elements which over
>> time have crept into the party. That especially the latter is easier said
>> then done since this has become widespread especially in the West Bengal and
>> Kerela units. However, if there is hope then it is that large sections of
>> CPIM at least at the cadre level realize this and hopefully they can push
>> the leadership to take decisive action. The alternative is the party ceases
>> to be relevant and India loses its sole voice at the national level against
>> neo-liberalization.
>>
>
>
> --ravi
>
>
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