[lbo-talk] Herbert on The Diabolicalness of the cadillac tax

Michael Pollak mpollak at panix.com
Sat Jan 9 18:17:19 PST 2010


[I thought I posted this when it came out, but it looks like not. It's is Herbert's best column in years. A real analytic scoop that gets at the heart of what's wrong with Obamacare: it paid zero attention to the problem of underinsurance, which was and is the main problem, as so wonderfully laid out in Sicko. And thus it's real main mechanism for "controlling costs" is making presently shitty care even shittier.]

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/29/opinion/29herbert.html

The New York Times

December 29, 2009

Op-Ed Columnist

A Less Than Honest Policy

By BOB HERBERT

There is a middle-class tax time bomb ticking in the Senate's version

of President Obama's effort to reform health care.

The bill that passed the Senate with such fanfare on Christmas Eve

would impose a confiscatory 40 percent excise tax on so-called Cadillac

health plans, which are popularly viewed as over-the-top plans held

only by the very wealthy. In fact, it's a tax that in a few years will

hammer millions of middle-class policyholders, forcing them to scale

back their access to medical care.

Which is exactly what the tax is designed to do.

The tax would kick in on plans exceeding $23,000 annually for family

coverage and $8,500 for individuals, starting in 2013. In the first

year it would affect relatively few people in the middle class. But

because of the steadily rising costs of health care in the U.S., more

and more plans would reach the taxation threshold each year.

Within three years of its implementation, according to the

Congressional Budget Office, the tax would apply to nearly 20 percent

of all workers with employer-provided health coverage in the country,

affecting some 31 million people. Within six years, according to

Congress's Joint Committee on Taxation, the tax would reach a fifth of

all households earning between $50,000 and $75,000 annually. Those

families can hardly be considered very wealthy.

Proponents say the tax will raise nearly $150 billion over 10 years,

but there's a catch. It's not expected to raise this money directly.

The dirty little secret behind this onerous tax is that no one expects

very many people to pay it. The idea is that rather than fork over 40

percent in taxes on the amount by which policies exceed the threshold,

employers (and individuals who purchase health insurance on their own)

will have little choice but to ratchet down the quality of their health

plans.

These lower-value plans would have higher out-of-pocket costs, thus

increasing the very things that are so maddening to so many

policyholders right now: higher and higher co-payments, soaring

deductibles and so forth. Some of the benefits of higher-end policies

can be expected in many cases to go by the boards: dental and vision

care, for example, and expensive mental health coverage.

Proponents say this is a terrific way to hold down health care costs.

If policyholders have to pay more out of their own pockets, they will

be more careful -- that is to say, more reluctant -- to access health

services. On the other hand, people with very serious illnesses will be

saddled with much higher out-of-pocket costs. And a reluctance to seek

treatment for something that might seem relatively minor at first could

well have terrible (and terribly expensive) consequences in the long

run.

If even the plan's proponents do not expect policyholders to pay the

tax, how will it raise $150 billion in a decade? Great question.

We all remember learning in school about the suspension of disbelief.

This part of the Senate's health benefits taxation scheme requires a

monumental suspension of disbelief. According to the Joint Committee on

Taxation, less than 18 percent of the revenue will come from the tax

itself. The rest of the $150 billion, more than 82 percent of it, will

come from the income taxes paid by workers who have been given pay

raises by employers who will have voluntarily handed over the money

they saved by offering their employees less valuable health insurance

plans.

Can you believe it?

I asked Richard Trumka, president of the A.F.L.-C.I.O., about this.

(Labor unions are outraged at the very thought of a health benefits

tax.) I had to wait for him to stop laughing to get his answer. "If you

believe that," he said, "I have some oceanfront property in

southwestern Pennsylvania that I will sell you at a great price."

A survey of business executives by Mercer, a human resources consulting

firm, found that only 16 percent of respondents said they would convert

the savings from a reduction in health benefits into higher wages for

employees. Yet proponents of the tax are holding steadfast to the

belief that nearly all would do so.

"In the real world, companies cut costs and they pocket the money,"

said Larry Cohen, president of the Communications Workers of America

and a leader of the opposition to the tax. "Executives tell the

shareholders: `Hey, higher profits without any revenue growth. Great!'

"

The tax on health benefits is being sold to the public dishonestly as

something that will affect only the rich, and it makes a mockery of

President Obama's repeated pledge that if you like the health coverage

you have now, you can keep it.

Those who believe this is a good idea should at least have the courage

to be straight about it with the American people.



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