furthermore, Doug's position - as he knows - also does a great job of discounting the role of social movements, the semiotically and materially contradictory character of the legitimating ideologies of public democracy and private accumulation and the internal contradictions of capitalism
in fact, historically, its as weak as SA's attributing the shift of the national discourse towards a melding of neoconservative and neoliberal positions to Goldwater and grassroots support for him (though, to be fair, I am almost surely taking what he wrote and running further with it than he intended). On the one hand, whoever the Republicans put up in 1964 was going to lose because of JFK's post-assissination deification, Johnson's political savvy and Johnson's being a southerner. On the other hand, and here I am going to absolutely agree with Charles, the shift to the right is much more about racism, sexism, nationalism, anti-environmentalism, anti-unionism, etc. than it is about a Goldwaterian discourse. At the same time, to argue that Goldwater was nominated as a result of grassroots organizing would seem to have to be predicated on an argument that what the National Review did during the 50s and 60s was grassrootsy... to conflate a top-down patrician conservatism with a bottom-up populist conservatism. That latter melding lies in Nixon's Southern Strategy after the racist, militarist, and sexist populist revolt against civil rights legislation, Black Power/urban "unrest", draft card and bra burning, and sex and drugs and rock and roll.
On Tue, Nov 16, 2010 at 7:48 AM, Joel Schalit <jschalit at gmail.com> wrote:
> nicely put, doug.
>
> On Nov 16, 2010, at 1:40 PM, Doug Henwood wrote:
>
> > I have solved this problem forever: the Dems are a party of capital that
> is forced for electoral reasons to pretend otherwise on occasion. That's why
> they always look weak and full of shit.
> >
> > Doug
> >
>