[lbo-talk] Juan Cole's rundown on where Egypt is now

Michael Pollak mpollak at panix.com
Thu Feb 3 03:26:02 PST 2011


An succinct summary of today's state of play and how we got here:

http://www.juancole.com/2011/02/mubaraks-basij.html

02/02/2011

Informed Comment

Mubarak's Basij

Juan Cole

On Wednesday, the Mubarak regime showed its fangs, mounting a massive

and violent repressive attack on the peaceful crowds in Tahrir Square

in downtown Cairo. People worrying about Egypt becoming like Iran

(scroll down) should worry about Egypt already being way too much like

Iran as it is. That is, Hillary Clinton and others expressed anxiety in

public about increasing militarization of the Iranian regime and use of

military and paramilitaries to repress popular protests. But Egypt is

far more militarized and now is using exactly the same tactics.

The outlines of Hosni Mubarak's efforts to maintain regime stability

and continuity have now become clear. In response to the mass

demonstrations of the past week, he has done the following:

1. Late last week, he first tried to use the uniformed police and

secret police to repress the crowds, killing perhaps 200-300 and

wounding hundreds.

2. This effort failed to quell the protests, and the police were then

withdrawn altogether, leaving the country defenseless before gangs of

burglars and other criminal elements (some of which may have been

composed of secret police or paid informers). The public dealt with

this threat of lawlessness by organizing self-defense neighborhood

patrols, and continued to refuse to stop demonstrating.

3. Mubarak appointed military intelligence ogre Omar Suleiman vice

president. Suleiman had orchestrated the destruction of the Muslim

radical movement of the 1990s, but he clearly was being groomed now as

a possible successor to Mubarak and his crowd-control expertise would

now be used not against al-Qaeda affiliates but against Egyptian civil

society.

4. Mubarak mobilized the army to keep a semblance of order, but failed

to convince the regular army officers to intervene against the

protesters, with army chief of staff Sami Anan announcing late Monday

that he would not order the troops to use force against the

demonstrators.

5. When the protests continued Tuesday, Mubarak came on television and

announced that he would not run for yet another term and would step

down in September. His refusal to step down immediately and his other

maneuvers indicated his determination, and probably that of a

significant section of the officer corps, to maintain the military

dictatorship in Egypt, but to attempt to placate the public with an

offer to switch out one dictator for a new one (Omar Suleiman, likely).

6. When this pledge of transition to a new military dictator did not,

predictably enough, placate the public either, Mubarak on Wednesday

sent several thousand secret police and paid enforcers in civilian

clothing into Tahrir Square to attack the protesters with stones,

knouts, and molotov cocktails, in hopes of transforming a sympathetic

peaceful crowd into a menacing violent mob. This strategy is similar to

the one used in summer of 2009 by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and President

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to raise the cost of protesting in the streets of

Tehran, when they sent in basij (volunteer pro-regime militias). Used

consistently and brutally, this show of force can raise the cost of

urban protesting and gradually thin out the crowds.

Note that this step number 6 required that the army agree to remain

neutral and not to actively protect the crowds. The secret police goons

were allowed through army checkpoints with their staves, and some even

rode through on horses and camels. Aljazeera English's correspondent

suggests that the military was willing to allow the protests to the

point where Mubarak would agree to stand down, but the army wants the

crowd to accept that concession and go home now.



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