I think that the Goldin-Katz line of argument (which Larry Katz got Robert Reich to buy into in as big a way as he could, given that Congress nuked all the extra money Reich asked for in 1993) is that the labor share of total income didn't move between 1910 and the late 1920s, so the relative wages of those without high school diplomas rose *a lot* while the relative wages of those with formal education credentials *fell*.
Putting an extra person through high school in the 1920s...
...raised their wages (to the high-school-diploma level)
...diminished the wages of those who already had high school diplomas a bit
... raised the wages of those who didn't have high school diplomas a bit
It is what Goldin and Katz take to be the sensitivity of education wage differentials to small changes in aggregate supplies that make them think that the following strategy is worth pursuing today: have the Federal government pay to put a bunch more people through community college, and find the relative (and perhaps the absolute) wages of those with master's degrees and B.A.'s fall as employers find that they can hire from a bigger pool of those with formal skills, while the relative (and absolute) wages of those without college diplomas rise. Harvard will certainly find another credential than a B.A. to give its graduates--and they will still be at the top of the income distribution. It won't be an egalitarian paradise, but it will be better than we got now.
At least, it will be better than we got now as long as the increase in the number of those with formal education doesn't lead to a dive in the labor share of total income (and that seems to be a pretty good bet: the labor share of total income doesn't move much), redistributing some of that labor income from those with formal credentials and higher wages to those without much education and lower wages would seem to be a very good thing.
Formal education is not only a pretty good investment for those who get educated, but it also (by increasing the supply of those with the skills to be in the upper half of the wage distribution, and decreasing the supply of unskilled labor) twists the distribution of wages in a more egalitarian distribution.
Such, at least, is the Goldin-Katz argument. And it seems to me that the historical parallels are strong enough to make it probably true and certainly very interesting to think about...
Brad DeLong