delinking doesn't equal autarky (Jim O'Connor)

Barbara Laurence cns at cats.ucsc.edu
Sat Feb 24 13:44:03 PST 2001


Maybe "national liberations regimes turn sour once they achieve state power" (Doug's exegesis of H and N) also because: 1. They are immediately attacked, or counter-attacked, by deadly imperialist force, and need military discipline to defend themselves. 2. They aren't Leninist enough to acknowledge that the point of revolution is to "abolish the state," by which he meant "abolish the distinction between law-making and state administration; make the elected representatives carry out their own laws" as a key project of any transition. 3. National liberation struggles are by definition against two things: 1. imperialist and their local Quisling rule, thus the need for armed struggle which in turn easily turns into a state-centric society and 2. Underdevelopment, which means that the agenda is dominated by economic development projects, and the abolition of poverty, a goal to which everything else has to be subordinated. This is linked to both 1/ and 2/ above.

Cuba is instructive. Fidel has succeeded in building a real nation, which is respected around the world, where before Fidel there was none -- just a whorehouse for Americans. It's a good thing for there to be more independent nations in the world because it is one thing that US imperialism cannot abide. Makes no difference whether the nations are right or left. To build a nation, which also means using national symbols (which don't have to be anti-minority) to motivate people to work and invest (Malaysia), presupposes forces against nationhood. Would the Dutch have been so nationalist and also democratic had they not been exploited and butchered by the Spanish, for example? Nations develop through struggle. If you don't have one, you'd better find a way to get one, because otherwise you have no standing anywhere, from the UN to the missile targeting devices of the US Navy. But Cuba of course, too, builds a single party-rule nation, in which initiatives on any level coming from civil society are ignored or treated with no respect or repressed. The idea being that if something is worth doing, the party has or will see it, and do it...the idea being that the party is that wise, competent, good etc.

To the degree that alternative material life, projects of all kinds, like water management and allocation, are done by unions and other non-state bodies...the H and N problem is a non-starter. Perhaps Patrick will enlighten us more on this point.

There's lots more to say about this theme. A final thought: In my opinion the key to unlocking the secrets of T. Negri's thought is to understand or come to realize that he doesn't have much use for, or make much of, mediations in theory and intermediaries in practice.

Once he told me that "labor mobility" means for the worker to go where he's not supposed to go, e.g., for a postal customer to try to do her business on the other side of the window, in the quarters where the workers labor. This is very clever and has its uses, but practically, things happen in the world through all kinds of mediations, ideological, institutional, practical-natural, etc etc. Thus the need for social theory. Jim O'Connor



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