>That sure is interesting. Publicly, the DLC/PPI distances itself from
>the rights; their daily bulletins are pretty critical of W's
>right-wing policies and appointments. Privately, they're taking their
>cash. Reminds me of Sir Alan Walters' observation that Thatcher's
>most enduring legacy is the transformation of the Labour Party.
Except that the DLC has far less institutional influence in the Dems than their admitted adversaries, the labor unions. Take trade for example, which the post in question was focused on. Three-quarters of House Dems voted against "fast-track" authority; only one-quarter voted with the DLC. On vouchers as another recent issue in the education bill, the Dems stuck with the teachers unions, with only a couple of defections.
On other areas where labor is less mobilized, the corporate folks do push the agenda more of course, but in flat out battles of top priority between labor and the DLC, labor unions win the much larger majority of the Dem representative votes.
In that sense, the Democrats were far less transformed by Reagan than the Labour Party was transformed by Thatcher. And unlike in Britain where back benchers are cowed into obeying the prime minister, backbench Dems regularly defied Clinton on votes.
-- Nathan Newman