[lbo-talk] FT: Saddamism w/out Saddam

Michael Pollak mpollak at panix.com
Thu Jun 26 11:45:23 PDT 2003


[The law and order problem can't be solved without a legitimate government. But at the hobbesian level at which that statement is true, "legitimate" doesn't mean chosen or living up to a moral standard. It simply means accepted by the people, integrated into society and effective. And since it has to solve the law and order problem somehow, and democratic legitimacy is not on the table, one option for the US might be a modified form of saddamism w/out Saddam as outlined below. At least for the central third of the country.]

[Btw, the Salahadin province they are talking about is a province of considerable size and population just north of Baghdad]

Financial Times; Jun 24, 2003

Saddam's poachers become America's gamekeepers By Charles Clover

On May 9, Hussein Jassem Ijbara was returning from a trip to his home in 'Amer, Iraq, when a friend met him on the way and said his house was surrounded by American soldiers. Being a former general in the Iraqi Republican Guards, Mr Ijbara assumed they were there to arrest him. Not wanting trouble, he went to his house to surrender.

"They said 'We're not here to arrest you' " - as he tells it. "Instead, they asked me if I would agree to be governor of Salahadin province."

Mr Ijbara has traded his military fatigues for a suit and sits in a well-appointed office at the government palace in Tikrit - Salahadin's capital and home town of Saddam Hussein.

Asked why the US would have trusted him with such a job, in such an enormously sensitive region of Iraq, Mr Ijbara says flatly that he had had no prior contacts with the US military.

"I don't think it mattered whether they trusted me," he says. "In my opinion, they needed someone strong who could run Salahadin province in the place of Saddam Hussein. That's just my opinion, I don't know. But people know me here, I think that's obvious."

While he presents himself as part of a new generation of Iraqi leaders, it is clear that some of Mr Ijbara's ideas hark back to an earlier period of Iraqi history.

Asked about his formula for governing the province, he says: "We have a system now very much like they have in the United States. Our province is like an American state. In other words, I have all the power."

Despite an order issued on May 16, banning the Ba'ath party, and another from May 22, dissolving the Iraqi military, US forces increasingly seem to be relying on selected strongmen like Mr Ijbara to run cities and provinces in the areas under their control.

In the southern city of Najaf, for example, local elections were scrubbed at the beginning of the month. The US-appointed mayor, Abdul Min'im Amer Aboud, a former colonel in the Iraqi artillery forces who rode into Najaf on US special forces trucks in early April, continues to rule.

Elections were also cancelled in the city of Samarra, in Salahadin province, by Mr Ijbara himself. "They just couldn't agree among themselves, I had to step in," he says. He appointed Shakir Mahmoud, another former Ba'ath party official, as the city's mayor.

The increasing reliance on former regime figures to govern locally occurs as US troops come to terms with the fact that they cannot maintain security themselves.

Major Josslyn Aberle, of the US 4th infantry division, based in Tikrit, says: "The decision to appoint [Mr Ijbara] was done with great consideration. Background checks were done by our intelligence assets, as well as interviews with community leaders in Tikrit. He immediately signed an oath renouncing the Ba'ath party."

"So far, his performance has shown that improving the general welfare of the people in the province and working with coalition forces are his priorities," she adds.

Mr Ijbara claims he has virtually stopped attacks against US forces in his province, mainly by giving demobilised soldiers work as policemen and by keeping former Ba'athists on the payroll.

With Tikrit the heart of the former regime, Mr Ijbara says he has 90,000 high-ranking Ba'athists in his province alone. "If I fired them all, we'd have 10,000 new revolutionaries," he says. "Instead they have become important contributors to the new system."

Not all has been smooth, though. When 4,000 US troops raided the village of Thuluiya, in Salahadin province, two weeks ago, Mr Ijbara (who is related to many in the village) complained bitterly to the Americans that they had made a mistake.

He says he agreed to become governor provided the US forces allowed his police to carry weapons, and that they took care of salaries, schools, and hospitals. The wage bill for the first month, 7bn dinars ($5.4m EUR4.7m £3.2m) , was paid by scrounging from state enterprises. But he made clear he expected the coalition to pay salaries from now on.

Local residents credit him with a sharp drop in crime, and say the regional government has even returned cars looted by gangs in the post- war chaos there.

Other cities in the province complain he is heavy-handed. Many in Samarra criticise him for cancelling the recent election. And when Mr Ijbara visited the nearby city of Balad two weeks ago, he was attacked by a mob after a local sheikh cried through the loudspeakers of a mosque "Jihad! Jihad! The Ba'athists have come!"

Mr Ijbara brushes this off: "The people of Balad are my people. Some day, we will overcome our differences."



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