[lbo-talk] IMPERIALISM, THEN AND NOW

Jack Smith jacdon at earthlink.net
Mon Nov 3 18:20:03 PST 2003


The following article will appear in the Nov. 5 issue of the Hudson Valley Activist Newsletter, published in New Paltz, NY, by the Mid-Hudson National People's Campaign/IAC and relayed via jacdon at earthlink.net ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- IMPERIALISM, THEN AND NOW   During his whirlwind trip to Asia in mid-October, President Bush took the occasion of a visit to Manila  to compare the U.S. "liberation" of Iraq to that of Washington's "liberation" of the Philippines as a consequence of the Spanish-American war.   "Some say the culture of the Middle East will not sustain the institutions of democracy," Bush declared.  "The same doubts were once expressed about the culture of Asia.  Those doubts were proven wrong nearly six decades ago," he said, when the Philippines gained formal independence and democracy ‹ after nearly a half-century as Washington's reluctant ward.  In essence Bush was pointing to the Philippines as a model for the attainment of "democracy" in Iraq, with help from Washington, of course.   In  fact, the United States has dominated the Philippines for over a century.  For nearly half that time, the Philippines was a direct colony; after gaining independence, it has remained in political, military and economic liege to its former colonial master.   The people of the Philippines in the last decade of the 19th century were conducting an active liberation struggle against a declining Spanish colonialism, as were the people of Cuba and Puerto Rico in the Caribbean at the same time.  The U.S. interjected itself into the affairs of these three countries in the spring of 1898 by declaring war against Spain, which was quickly defeated.  Far from helping these colonies to attain independence, however, Washington seized all three of them, suppressing the indigenous liberation forces in the process.    Cuba was turned into a semi-colony, controlled by the Yankee colossus to the north, until revolutionary forces led by Fidel Castro brought about genuine national independence in 1959 ‹ an act unforgiven  by the United States to this day.  Puerto Rico was converted into a colony and then a semi-colony now defined as a commonwealth.  The Philippines was annexed as a  colony in 1899 and was directly ruled by Washington until 1946.   The people of the Philippines launched a full-scale guerrilla war against some 130,000 U.S. troops (about the same total the U.S. has now sent to Iraq), who marched into the country to subdue a rebellion that started immediately upon annexation.   It is estimated that between 300,000 to over a million Filipinos (largely civilians) were slaughtered or died from privation and famine during the worst years of the struggle against a vicious and racist U.S. military occupation and colonization between 1899 and 1902, when the main resistance was ruthlessly broken. Remnants of the struggle continued for another 14 years until all opposition was crushed. The official U.S. military death toll from the invasion and occupation during this period was 4,234.   If Washington's paradigm for an "independent, democratic" Iraq is the wretched experience of the Philippines, as President Bush suggested Oct. 18 in a speech to the Filipino Congress, the need for broadening and deepening the unity of oppositional forces and the activist element of the U.S. antiwar struggle is immediate.   In this connection it is worthwhile to recall the important popular struggle that broke out within the U.S. in opposition to Washington's acquisition of the Philippines, Cuba, Puerto Rico and Hawaii as well.  By late 1898 an organization called the American Anti-Imperialist League was formed,  eventually attracting 30,000 to 50,000 members (including a number of leading writers, journalists and politicians) and influencing millions of people.  The league became the country's largest peace movement up to that time, before fragmenting and disappearing a few years later.   The anti-imperialist struggle that broke out in 1898 and the public arguments put forward by its participants had some lasting consequences. It contributed toward a change in how Washington expressed its penchant for domination in future years.  After an initial acquisition of direct colonies, the U.S. government decided it was better to rule other countries indirectly through puppet governments, backed by bribery, economic power, the threat of sanctions, and the willingness to "send in the Marines" to protect Yankee interests if necessary.   Imperial Japan kicked the U.S. out of the Philippines in 1942 and launched its own colonial occupation, which lasted until the Tokyo government was defeated and Uncle Sam reoccupied the battered country in 1945.  The Philippines was granted nominal independence a year later, but the U.S. insured that its interests would be protected for several more decades by one captive regime after another that it brought to power and protected.  As a result of over 100 years of subservience to the United States, the Philippines is essentially controlled by the 400 wealthy Filipino families who are said to possess all but 10% of the nation's assets.  A majority of the population of over 80 million people is living in conditions of poverty.   By bragging about the means by which the United States brought "democracy" to the Philippines, President Bush inadvertently exposed that Washington's policy toward Iraq today is based on crass imperialism and the modern variant of colonialism.  This, of course, is precisely what has been taking place in Iraq since last March, at least according to that sector of the antiwar movement which isn't reluctant to call so calamitous a misdeed by its correct names.   Interestingly, Bush's major pretexts for invading Iraq (Baghdad's alleged possession of weapons of mass  destruction and a supposed connection with 9/11) are as phony as President William McKinley's excuse for starting a war with Spain (the White House and mass media blamed Madrid for the destruction of the U.S. battleship Maine during a visit to Havana harbor in early 1898).  It took the U.S. 78 years to acknowledge that a spontaneous explosion in the Maine's coal bins probably caused the ship to sink with the loss of 260 sailors, not sabotage by agents of Spain. We wonder how long it will take for Washington to admit that the expressed rationale for invading Iraq was based on lies and manipulation, and that the real goal is total hegemony in the Middle East and control of world's second largest petroleum reserves.  --- Readers interested in the history of U.S. imperialism in the Western Hemisphere may wish to obtain two pamphlets written by the editor of this newsletter ‹ "Enough is Enough!: 100 years of U.S. intervention in Latin America and the Caribbean," and "The Cuban Revolution: 40 years of struggle." These large-size, illustrated pamphlets are being sold for only $1 each.  To receive both together by mail, make out a check for $4 (which includes postage and handling) to MHNPC and mail to MHNPC at P.O. Box 523, Highland, N.Y. 12528.    



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