[lbo-talk] Zingales: Plan B for double expedited bankruptcy

Michael Pollak mpollak at panix.com
Fri Oct 17 04:41:16 PDT 2008


[Not endorsing, but posting because it seems interesting, esp. the first part, which seems easily incorporable into other plans]

http://faculty.chicagogsb.edu/luigi.zingales/research/PSpapers/plan_b.pdf

Plan B

<snip>

We need a different solution: a Plan B. A plan that minimizes the money

the Government uses in bailing out Wall Street and Main Street to save

our precious dollars for a stimulus package, which will be essential to

restarting the economy.

Rescuing Main Street

Suppose that you bought a house in California in 2006. You paid

$400,000 with only 5% down. Unfortunately, during the last two years

the value of your house dropped by 30%; thus, you now find yourself

with a mortgage worth $380,000 and a house worth $280,000. Even if you

can afford your monthly payment (and you probably cannot), why should

you struggle to pay the mortgage when walking away will save you

$100,000, more than most people can save in a lifetime? However, when

the homeowner walks away, the mortgage holder does not recover

$280,000. The foreclosure process takes some time during which the

house is not properly maintained and further deteriorates in value. The

recovery rate in standard mortgage foreclosures (which will not take

place in the middle of the worst crisis since the Great Depression) is

50 cents per dollar of the mortgage. I am generous in estimating that

under the current conditions it might recover 50 cents per dollar of

the appraised value of the house; right now, it is only 37 cents per

dollar of the mortgage, which given a house appraised at $280,000

equals only $140,000 for the mortgage holder. In other words,

foreclosing is costly for both the borrower and the lender. The

mortgage holder gains only half of what is lost by the homeowners, due

to what we economists call underinvestment: the failure to maintain the

house.

In the old days, when the mortgage was granted by your local bank,

there was a simple solution to this tremendous inefficiency. The bank

forgave part of your mortgage; let's say 30%. This creates a small

positive equity value--an incentive--for you to stay. Since you stay

and maintain the house, the bank gets its $266,000 dollars of the new

debt back, which trumps the $140,000 that it was getting through

foreclosure.

Unfortunately, this win-win solution is not possible today. Your

mortgage has been sold and repackaged in an asset-backed security pool

and sold in tranches with different priorities. There is disagreement

on who has the right to renegotiate and renegotiation might require the

agreement of at least 60% of the debt holders, who are spread

throughout the globe. This is not going to happen. Furthermore, unlike

your local bank, distant debt holders cannot tell whether you are a

good borrower who has been unlucky or somebody just trying to take

advantage of the lender. In doubt, they do not want to cut the debt for

fear that even the homeowners who can easily afford their mortgage will

ask for debt forgiveness.

Here is where government intervention can help. Instead of pouring

money to either side, the government should provide a standardized way

to re-negtiate; one that is both fast and fair. Here is my proposal.

Congress should pass a law that makes a re-contracting option available

to all homeowners living in a zip code where house prices dropped by

more than 20% since the time they bought their property. Why? Because

there is no reason to give a break to inhabitants of Charlotte, North

Carolina, where house prices have risen 4% in the last two years.

How do we implement this? Thanks to two brilliant economists, Chip Case

and Robert Shiller, we have reliable measures of house price changes at

the zip code level. Thus, by using this real estate index, the

re-contracting option will reduce the face value of the mortgage (and

the corresponding interest payments) by the same percentage by which

house prices have declined since the homeowner bought (or refinanced)

his property. Exactly like in my hypothetical example above.

In exchange, however, the mortgage holder will receive some of the

equity value of the house at the time it is sold. Until then, the

homeowners will behave as if they own 100% of it. It is only at the

time of sale that 50% of the difference between the selling price and

the new value of the mortgage will be paid back to the mortgage holder.

It seems a strange contract, but Stanford University successfully

implemented a similar arrangement for its faculty: the university

financed part of the house purchase in exchange for a fraction of the

appreciation value at the time of exit.

The reason for this sharing of the benefits is twofold. On the one

hand, it makes the renegotiation less appealing to the homeowners,

making it unattractive to those not in need of it. For example,

homeowners with a very large equity in their house (who do not need any

restructuring because they are not at risk of default) will find it

very costly to use this option because they will have to give up 50% of

the value of their equity. Second, it reduces the cost of renegotiation

for the lending institutions, which minimizes the problems in the

financial system.

Since the option to renegotiate offered by the American Housing Rescue

& Foreclosure Prevention Act does not seem to have been stimulus

enough, this recontracting will be forced on lenders, but it will be

given as an option to homeowners, who will have to announce their

intention in a relatively brief period of time.

The great benefit of this program is that provides relief to distressed

homeowners at no cost to the Federal government and at the minimum

possible cost for the mortgage holders. The other great benefit is that

it will stop defaults on mortgages, eliminating the flood of houses on

the market and thus reducing the downside pressure on real estate

prices. By stabilizing the real estate market, this plan can help

prevent further deterioration of financial institutions' balance

sheets. But it will not resolve the problem of severe

undercapitalization that these institutions are currently facing. For

this we need the second part of the plan.

Rescuing Wall Street

The plan for Wall Street follows the same main idea: facilitating an

efficient renegotiation. The key difference between the Main Street and

Wall Street plans is in the ease of assessing the current value of the

troubled assets. It is relatively easy to estimate the current value of

a house by looking at the purchase price and at the intervening drop in

value (per the Case and Shiller index). In banks, however, the lack of

transparency makes this estimation very difficult. To avoid having to

come up with this estimate, which would be a difficult process and one

fraught with potential conflict of interests, we are going to use a

clever mechanism invented twenty years ago by a lawyer economist,

Lucian Bebchuk.

The core idea is to have Congress pass a law that sets up a new form of

prepackaged bankruptcy that would allow banks to restructure their debt

and restart lending. Prepackaged means that all the terms are

pre-specified and banks could come out of it overnight. All that would

be required is a signature from a federal judge. In the private sector

the terms are generally agreed among the parties involved, the

innovation here would be to have all the terms pre-set by the

government, thereby speeding up the process. Firms who enter into this

special bankruptcy would have their old equity holders wiped out and

their existing debt (commercial paper and bonds) transformed into

equity. This would immediately make banks solid, by providing a large

equity buffer. As it stands now, banks have lost so much in junk

mortgages that the value of their equity has tumbled nearly to zero. In

other words, they are close to being insolvent. By transforming all

banks' debt into equity this special Chapter 11 would make banks

solvent and ready to lend again to their customers.

Certainly, some current shareholders might disagree that their bank is

insolvent and would feel expropriated by a proceeding that wipes them

out. This is where the Bebchuk mechanism comes in handy. After the

filing of the special bankruptcy, we give these shareholders one week

to buy out the old debtholders by paying them the face value of the

debt. Each shareholder can decide individually. If he thinks that the

company is solvent, he pays his share of debt and regains his share of

equity. Otherwise, he lets it go.

My plan would exempt individual depositors, which are federally

ensured. I would also exempt credit default swaps and repo contracts to

avoid potential ripple effect through the system (what happened by not

directing Lehman Brothers through a similar procedure). It would

suffice to write in this special bankruptcy code that banks who enter

it would not be considered in default as far as their contracts are

concerned.

How would the government induce insolvent banks (and only those) to

voluntarily initiate these special bankruptcy proceedings? One way is

to harness the power of short-term debt. By involving the short-term

debt in the restructuring, this special bankruptcy will engender fear

in short-term creditors. If they think the institution might be

insolvent, they will pull their money out as soon as they can for fear

of being involved in this restructuring. In so doing, they will

generate a liquidity crisis that will force these institutions into

this special bankruptcy.

An alternative mechanism is to have the Fed limit access to liquidity.

Both banks and investment banks currently can go to the Federal

Reserve's discount window, meaning that they can, by posting

collateral, receive cash at a reasonable rate of interest. Under my

plan, for the next two years only banks that underwent this special

form of bankruptcy would get access to the discount window. In this

way, solid financial institutions that do not need liquidity are not

forced to undergo through this restructuring, while insolvent ones

would rush into it to avoid a government takeover.

Another problem could be that the institutions owning the debt, which

will end up owning the equity after the restructuring, might be

restricted by regulation or contract to holding equity. To prevent a

dumping of shares that would have a negative effect on market prices,

it is enough to include a norm that allows these institutions two years

to comply with the norm. This was the standard practice in the old days

when banks, who could not own equity, were forced to take some in a

restructuring.

The beauty of this approach is threefold. First, it recapitalizes the

banking sector at no cost to taxpayers. Second, it keeps the government

out of the difficult business of establishing the price of distressed

assets. If debt is converted into equity, its total value would not

change, only the legal nature of the claim would. Third, this plan

removes the possibility of the government playing God, deciding which

banks are allowed to live and which should die; the market will make

those decisions.

Tomorrow is too late

The United States (and possibly the world) is facing the biggest

financial crisis since the Great Depression. There is a strong quest

for the government to intervene to rescue us, but how? Thus far, the

Treasury seems to have been following the advice of Wall Street, which

consists in throwing public money at the problems. However, the cost is

quickly escalating. If we do not stop, we will leave an unbearable

burden of debt to our children.

Time has come for the Treasury secretary to listen to some economists.

By understanding the causes of the current crisis, we can help solve it

without relying on public money. Thus, I feel it is my duty as an

economist to provide an alternative: a market-based solution, which

does not waste public money and uses the force of the government only

to speed up the restructuring. It may not be perfect, but it is a

viable avenue that should be explored before acquiescing to the

perceived inevitability of Paulson's proposals.

Originally published at Luigi Zingales' webpage and reproduced here

with the author's permission.



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