[lbo-talk] Class Unconsciousness

c b cb31450 at gmail.com
Mon Jun 4 07:32:29 PDT 2012


Class Unconsciousness

Stop Using "Middle Class" to Depict the Labor Movement

By Nelson Lichtenstein

http://newlaborforum.cuny.edu/

George Orwell thought the precise and purposeful

deployment of our language was the key to the kind of

politics we hoped to advance. By that standard,

virtually everyone--from the center to the left, from

Barack Obama to Richard Trumka to the activists of

Occupy Wall Street--has made a hash of the way we name

the most crucial features of our society.

Exhibit A is the suffocating pervasiveness with which

we use the phrase "middle class" as the label we have

come to attach to not just all of those who are

hurting in the current economic slump, but to the

entire stratum that used to be identified as working

class. AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka proclaims "it

was the labor movement that built the middle class; it

was the middle class that made America great," while

out in Indiana, when the Republican-dominated state

legislature stood on the verge of enacting a new set

of anti-labor laws, a local unionist declared,

"Fighting right-to-work legislation is about standing

up for our middle-class values."

The Obama administration has raised this conflation of

working class and middle class to a fine art. Vice

President Joe Biden, whose blue-collar roots in the

gritty Pennsylvania coal country are quite genuine,

presided over a "Middle Class Task Force" during his

first couple of years in office; more recently,

President Obama--in an effort to identify his policies

with the Progressive-era social reformism of Teddy

Roosevelt--used the phrase "middle class" twenty-eight

times in his highly-touted Osawatomie, Kansas speech

of early December 2011.

So what's the problem? Who cares what we call

something if we know what it means?

But there is much difficulty with this rhetorical

switcheroo. First, the phrase "middle class" is

virtually indefinable in any fashion other than as a

crude income calculus. To be middle class is to be

comfortable with a certain basket of goods and a heart

full of desires. As Biden's Middle Class Task Force

put it: "middle-class families are defined more by

their aspirations than their income." This is very

much at variance with how we used to define the middle

class. Historians and sociologists once distinguished

between the old middle class and the new. The old

middle class was comprised of self-employed

proprietors and independent professionals who, in the

nineteenth century, carried real social and moral

weight in a society where farmers and craftsmen were

also numerous. Then in the twentieth century, a new

middle class of salaried white-collar workers seemed

to constitute another relatively well-defined class

and cultural cohort. But today, the middle class is

defined entirely in terms of income. That may be

useful for those seeking to push forward a liberal tax

policy. But it's pretty useless when it comes to

virtually anything else. Thus in the summer of 2011,

during a strike of forty-five thousand Verizon

workers, union publicists declared the struggle as a

"fight to defend middle-class jobs." But this

characterization enabled Verizon to run newspaper ads

claiming that the $75,000 a year or more earned by

telephone technicians made them part of the "upper

middle class" and thus, apparently, not worthy of much

public sympathy.

Indeed, the 60 percent of households in the center of

the American income distribution make anywhere from

$28,636 to $79,040 per year. That's family income by

the way, which means that these people are clearly

struggling. By any standard, they compose an American

working class--although most definitions in common

usage today, certainly those put forward by most

liberal Democrats, extend the definition of the middle

class up to about $200,000 a year. At that point, we

are talking about salaried professionals and

moderately successful entrepreneurs whose income puts

them in the top 10 percent of the American population.

And if the 99 percent is taken as any sort of coherent

grouping--and here even my comrades at Labor Notes have

taken to calling for "Solidarity for the 99%"--then we

are linking together the fortunes of those on food

stamps with families whose income tops out at just

over $500,000 a year.

Second, when we focus on the middle class as an object

of concern, we are necessarily marginalizing,

neglecting, and denigrating those who fall below it,

those out of the workforce, those chronically

unemployed, those on welfare, those whose aspirations

are not middle class at all. As Michael Zweig has

pointed out in The Working- Class Majority: America's

Best Kept Secret, when the working class disappears

into an amorphous middle class, the working poor--a

mere forty-six million strong--drops out of the

picture. The right used to champion the middle class

precisely in order to denigrate low-income people of

color who were dependent upon government checks and

services to sustain themselves. Should the left be

doing that as well?

But the main reason to begin using the phrase working

class once again is that the contemporary category of

middle class has no sense of agency, purpose, or

politics--while the idea of a working class is (by

virtual definition) a font of all of this. No need to

sing "Solidarity Forever" here. The essential

difference is that, in the Marxist tradition, working

class is defined not by income, or consumption, or

education, but by the near-universal extent to which

members of that class sell their labor for their

wages. Most members of what we, today, call the middle

class do that as well. Conversely, it is important to

understand what is wrong with a simple demonization of

the 1 percent. It, too, is politically imprecise; some

of those who fall into that income category may be

filthy rich and snobbish, while others may be

personally creative or frugal like, say, Steve Jobs or

Warren Buffet. The "1%" of political significance is

comprised of an active group of capitalists whose

overweening power over central economic and political

institutions is both the cause of our difficulties and

the proper target of all those who work for them,

either directly in the corporations they control or in

a public sector starved by virtue of the political and

financial power wielded by that same elite stratum.

So how did we get tethered to this dysfunctional and

retrograde metric, one not imposed by academic

mandarins or right-wing politicians, but embraced by

most liberals, leftists, and unionists?

When Jacob Riis published How the Other Half Lives in

1890, his dank portrait of urban poverty emphasized

not just the inadequate income of that population but

the entire ethnic/occupational work life of the

Bohemian cigarmakers, the Italian ragpickers, and the

Jewish garment workers which he studied. This

conflation of poverty, powerlessness, and

working-class occupation continued into the Depression

decade. When FDR delivered his famous "Forgotten Man"

speech in 1932, he did not use the phrase "working

class" to describe those at the "bottom of the economy

pyramid" but he did make clear that they were "the

forgotten, the unorganized but the indispensible units

of economic power" whose rescue and mobilization could

restore prosperity.

Rescuing the "Forgotten Man" entailed empowering

class-based organizations--the labor movement, first of

all--and a government prepared to take its side in the

struggle against that era's "1%." Indeed, it is

precisely for that reason that business conservatives

and others hostile to an activist New Deal strove

mightily to purge "working class" from our common

vocabulary at about the time that the Cold War abroad

and McCarthyism at home made suspect any references to

the "class struggle." Their success proved so great

that liberals and progressives felt constrained to

adopt much of the right-wing discourse. Thus when a

young radical did use the phrase "class struggle" at a

United Automobile Workers' educational camp in the

1950s, ex-socialist Roy Reuther is reported to have

snapped "Don't use that kind of sectarian Marxist crap

in this school."

Moreover, by the time Roy's brother, Walter Reuther,

had emerged as a powerful spokesman for the labor

movement, the conflation of working-class occupations

with dire poverty and dysfunctional family life had

been broken. This did not mean that all those

increasingly well-paid autoworkers and steel workers

were middle class. They still got their hands dirty,

faced recurrent layoffs, and (according to the U.S.

Bureau of Labor Statistics) had just enough income to

buy a used Chevy once every four years and pay the

(government-subsidized) mortgage on an exceedingly

modest house. Their status was rising in these early

postwar years; they constituted an army of "labor,"

organized labor, not yet affluent, but a stratum of

society that was both powerful and, in Reuther's

words, had "fairness and equity and morality on its

side." Here is the way Reuther approached some of the

same themes that animate Occupy Wall Street today: "We

don't begrudge one penny that these corporation

executives are paid. We know that when corporation

management makes a contribution to the economic

well-being of the country . . . they are entitled to a

just reward for their economic contribution. But we

say that when workers make their contribution they,

too, are entitled to just compensation."

What began as the purging of "working class" and

"class conflict" from the postwar political and social

imagination, over time, underwent an even more toxic

evolution. It opened the door to a right-wing

redefinition of the (white) working class and its

conflation with those who constituted the middle

class. Before the late 1960s, conservatives were far

more likely to deny the existence of a class hierarchy

than fetishize one class in preference to another. But

in his search for a seductive new polarization that

would boost Republican electoral fortunes in the early

1970s, President Nixon took possession of the

Rooseveltian language that identified a vast,

underappreciated stratum and turned it on its head. He

singled out for censure a new and alien elite

comprised of those professional, educational, and

governmental elements of the population that had once

given ideological and cultural coherence to the old

Roosevelt coalition.

The liberal New Dealer Senator Paul Douglas had first

coined the term "silent center" as representing all

those millions of working Americans unappreciated and

overlooked by the nation's actual economic elite.

Nixon and his speechwriters took that sense of neglect

and resentment and gave it a sharp cultural thrust by

morphing the New Deal construction into his famous

"silent majority," which Nixon defined as "the

millions of people in the middle of the American

political spectrum who do not demonstrate, who do not

picket, or protest loudly." Thus did Time magazine

declare as its 1970 "Man of the Year" the "Middle

Americans," defined as "a state of mind, a morality, a

construct of values and prejudices and a complex of

fears." Within a couple of decades, we'd get one

variation on this right-wing construction after

another: from the moral majority, the Reagan

Democrats, NASCAR Dads, Sam's Club Republicans, and

even the "white working class" which, in the political

imagination of most Republicans (and some Democrats),

constitutes a voting bloc of conservative white males

who have long since abandoned the party of FDR.

Although both conservatives and liberals deploy the

phrase "middle class" to describe low- income people

who work in large organizations, right-wingers--such as

Sarah Palin and Charles Murray--are, today, more apt to

also use the phrase "working class" to describe this

vast stratum, largely because they feel far more

comfortable than most liberals in defining class in an

almost exclusively cultural fashion.

Of course, the Republicans have never been serious

about defending the material interests of those they

denominate "middle class," even as they fed the more

socially conventional among them culture-war red meat.

Liberals and labor should therefore appropriate for

themselves the defense of this stratum, now abandoned

in all but name by the conservatives. But the habit of

loosely referring to an amorphous middle class won't

help mobilize people for the "class warfare" the right

decries but nevertheless wages with a calculated

relentlessness.

Obfuscation of this sort will only mislead and

confuse. We need to reconstruct a sense of class

dignity and destiny for all those whose work fails to

provide social recognition or economic well-being. We

need to restore some definitional precision to those

who truly do constitute America's working-class

majority. Unionists and those who advocate on their

behalf need to use the kind of language whose emotive

power and historic resonance match the political

audacity of those who occupied both the Wisconsin

statehouse and the Wall Street parks. To speak on

behalf of the working class is to begin to educate

millions of Americans to the realization that their

future is linked to their own capacity for

organization and empowerment.



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