<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/11/24/AR2006112400628.html> Hamas Women Seek Bigger Political Role
By DIAA HADID The Associated Press Friday, November 24, 2006; 1:42 PM
GAZA CITY, Gaza Strip -- A grandmother-turned-suicide bomber, a small army of women marching into a battlefield, thousands of veiled volunteers hitting the streets in an election campaign _ the Islamic militant group Hamas is increasingly mobilizing its network of female activists.
Yet the Hamas women, known as the Sisterhood, say such high-profile missions have not changed how the group is run: the men make decisions, the women have a supporting role, at best.
But even in the rigidly conservative movement, whose manifesto defines women as "manufacturers of men," some female activists are demanding a say in politics and in Hamas' military wing, which has carried out scores of deadly attacks against Israelis in recent years.
A suicide bombing on Thursday by a 64-year-old grandmother who blew herself up near Israeli soldiers in Gaza was an exception, not the rule, said Abu Obeida, spokesman for Hamas' military wing. He suggested she was chosen because it would have been more difficult for a man to approach the target.
Still women have started to demand a bigger role in Hamas, which leads the Palestinian government. A Hamas legislator said she resented attempts by male colleagues to keep her on the back-benches. A Gaza housewife who has smuggled food and weapons to fugitives said she wants more assignments. Activists debate how to best influence the all-male Hamas leadership based in Syria.
The younger women are already more confident than the older generation. Iman Abu Jazar, 20, head of the Hamas women's student wing at Gaza's Islamic University, said she expects women to move up the political ladder as they become more experienced.
"It's just a matter of time," she said.
But for now, the men are resisting.
Hamas officials say women should deal with culture, education and charity and leave decision-making and fighting Israel to the men.
The women's views are being heard, but not more than that for now, said Fawzi Barhoum, another Hamas spokesman.
"They can have an opinion on matters of the movement, and their roles in education and culture are respected," he said.
Sociologist Islah Jad said the debate in Hamas reflects the traditionalism of Palestinian society.
"The issue is not Islam or secularism, but how Palestinian society sees the role of women," she said.
The Sisterhood in the West Bank and Gaza was formed about three decades ago as an adjunct to the pan-Arab Muslim Brotherhood to encourage women to pray and raise children in the faith.
In 1987, Gaza's Muslim Brotherhood evolved into Hamas, a violent group sworn to Israel's destruction. Sisterhood members were assigned tasks such as visiting the poor and working in Hamas clinics.
The women had a patron in Hamas' founder, the late Sheik Ahmed Yassin. The charismatic preacher approved the Sisterhood's budget and represented it in leadership meetings.
"The sheik never refused anything for the girls," said Huda Naim, a 20-year veteran of the movement and today one of six female legislators in a 74-member Hamas faction in parliament.
One of the areas largely off-limits to women is the military wing of Hamas. Abu Obeida said dozens of women have asked to join the military wing or become suicide bombers, but have been turned down.
"A woman's role is to raise children to support the resistance," he said.
There are enough men to fight, and women will only be called on if needed, Abu Obeida said.
Such a day came earlier this month when Hamas gunmen were encircled by Israeli troops in northern Gaza. Hundreds of women, led by Shanti, marched into the battlefield. Dodging Israeli fire, they provided a human shield that enabled some of the trapped gunmen to get away. Two women were killed.
One of those in the crowd was Umm Yehye, a 31-year-old pregnant mother of two, who said she jumped at the chance to get involved.
"I like to participate," she said, patting her bulging belly as she sat on a plastic chair in her tiny Gaza house.
Umm Yehye, who asked that her full name not be used, said she joined the Sisterhood 15 years ago. She said she initially participated in traditional activities, but that her husband, a Hamas gunman, increasingly relied on her help. She said she has smuggled food and weapons, served as a lookout and hidden fugitives.
The Sisterhood can call on the support of hundreds of thousands of women, said Jamila Shanti, one of six Hamas women elected. Mohib Nawati, author of a book on Hamas, said he believed the number of actual activists in Gaza was only about 5,000-10,000.
The Sisterhood assigns local neighborhood leaders who are expected to attend weddings, funerals and community events, give lectures on Islam, participate in demonstrations and visit the injured and families of those killed in clashes with Israeli troops.
The neighborhoods are represented in regional committees which report to a secretive general committee, made up of the most senior leaders. The women don't have a seat in Hamas' supreme leadership body, the political bureau.
The Sisterhood showed its clout in the campaign for January's parliamentary election. Thousands of supporters, many wearing plain-colored robes, gloves and full face veils, went door-to-door in Gaza, urging women to vote for Hamas.
The women were key in Hamas' overwhelming victory, said Emad Falouji, a former Hamas member and author of a book on the movement.
Hamas fielded 13 women candidates, in part to comply with a quota system set by electoral law.
Naim, the Hamas legislator, complained her male colleagues were often condescending, and had discouraged her from competing for key committee posts.
"This bothers me, like they are sending a message, `You are not able to work under these pressures,'" she said.
Falouji said change was slow, but inevitable. Just a decade ago, "it was forbidden to photograph the women," he said. "Now they are in parliament. They lead protests."
-- Yoshie <http://montages.blogspot.com/> <http://mrzine.org> <http://monthlyreview.org/>